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THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVAL HISTORY 

SOCIETY CERTIFIES THAT THIS COPY OF 

THE GRAA^ES PAPERS IS 



No. 



'-4-^1/ 



OF SIX HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES 
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY ONLY 



THE NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY 

INCORPORATED BY ACT OF CONGRESS 
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OFFICERS 

1916 



PRESIDENT 

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REAR-ADMIRAL C. H. STOCKTON, U.S.N. 



PUBLICATIONS 

OF THE 

NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY 
Volume VII 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 




The K:31oM^^^T3ao>L\^ :l.o:ro Chavkh 



FHE GRAVES PAi .. 

AND OTHER DOCUxVlENTS 

RELATING TO 

THE NAVAL OPERATIONS OF THE 
YORKT( AMPAIGN 

July to Octobkr., 1781 



EDITEF) BY 

FRENCH ENSOR CHADWICF: 



NEW YK-kK 

PRINTED FOR THE NAVAl HISTORY SOCIETY 

BY THE DE ViNNE PRESS 

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oke cJot. oiDonbLe.ioliomadJ^ozdytavedf 
(S^dmttal of the vVhtte 



cftom an oil/jinal ptctiite hy 'lOottlicote 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

AND OTHER DOCUMENTS 

RELATING TO 

THE NAVAL OPERATIONS OF THE 

YORKTOWN CAMPAIGN 

July to October, 1781 



EDITED BY 

FRENCH ENSOR CHADWICK 

Rear-Admiral, United States Navy 



NEW YORK 

PRINTED FOR THE NAVAL HISTORY SOCIETY 

BY THE DE VINNE PRESS 

M DCCCC XVI 

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Copyright, 1916, by 
The Naval History Society 



4' 



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SEP 28 1916 



)CI.A438616 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction xix 

Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to Graves, March 

i6, 1780 I 

Graves TO Stephens, March 13, 1780 3 

Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to Graves, March 

25, 1780 4 

Stephens TO Graves, March 25, 1780 5 

Graves TO Stephens, April 5, 1780 6 

Graves TO Stephens, April 7, 1780 8 

Graves TO Stephens, April 9, 1780 9 

Graves TO Stephens, April 30, 1780 11 

Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to Graves, May 

13, 1780 12 

Graves TO Stephens, August 24, 1780 13 

Rodney TO Graves, October 8, 1780 16 

Rodney to Graves, October 8, 1780 17 

Graves to Rodney, July 2, 1781 18 

Graves TO Stephens, July 4, 1781 19 

Graves TO Stephens, July 20, 1781 26 

Graves TO Stephens, August 20, 1781 32 

[xiii] 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Stephens TO Graves, September 25, 1781 40 

Stephens TO Graves, June 22, 1781 44 

Rodney TO Wells, July 7, 1 78 1 44 

Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to Graves, July 9, 
1781 -45 

Rodney to Hood, July 9, 1781 46 

Rodney TO Hood, July 24, 1781 47 

Rodney TO GiDoiN, July 30, 1 78 1 51 

Graves to Stephens, August 30, 178 1 52 

Hood to Stephens, August 30, 178 1 56 

Rodney TO Arbuthnot, August 13, 1781 59 

Graves to Stephens, September 14, 1 781 61 

Graves TO Stephens, September 22, 1781 84 

Graves TO Stephens, September 23, 1 781 85 

Hood TO Jackson, September 16, 178 1 86 

Graves TO Stephens, September 26, 1 781 94 

Graves TO Stephens, September 26, 1 78 1 no 

Graves to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, 

September 27, 178 1 112 

Graves TO Stephens, October 13, 1 781 114 

Hood TO Jackson, October 14, 1 781 116 

Graves TO Stephens, October 16, 1 78 1 119 

Graves to Stephens, October 19, 1781 131 

[xiv] 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Graves TO Stephens, October 19, 1 78 1 132 

Rodney TO Jackson, October 19, 178 1 133 

Graves TO Stephens, October 29, 1 78 1 137 

Graves to Melcomb, October 29, 178 1 144 

Hood TO Stephens, November 3, 1 781 146 

Hood TO Stephens, December 10, 1 781 156 

Graves TO Stephens, December 20, 1781 158 

Graves TO Stephens, May 4, 1782 159 

Stephens to Graves, March 14, 1782 162 

The London's Journal, September I to 12, 1 78 1 .... 164 

The London's Log, September i to 12, 178 1 170 

A Log Book of His Majesty's Ship Barfleur Between 

the 1ST AND THE IITH OF SEPTEMBER, I781, BY SaML. 

Blyth Masr 198 

Journal de Navigation de l'Armee aux Ordres de Mon- 
sieur LE Comte de Grasse, Lieutenant General, Par- 
tie DE Brest le Vingt Deux Mars Dix Sept Cent 
QuATRE Vingt Un 212 

LiVRE DE BORD DU VaISSEAU LE CiTOYEN, 29 AOUT-II 

SePTBRE. 1 781 222 

EXTRAIT DU LiVRE DE BORD DU VaISSEAU LE PlUTON 3 SeP- 

TEMBRE, 1 78 1 245 

Appendix L Life of Lieutenant General Comte de 
Grasse 247 

Appendix H. Life of Admiral George Brydges Rodney . 249 

Appendix HL Life of Admiral Samuel Hood . . . .251 

Appendix IV. The French Account of the Action Off 
THE Chesapeake Printed in the Jamaica Paper . . 253 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

The Rt. Honble. Thomas Lord Graves, Admiral of 

THE White Frontispiece 

From an original picture by Northcote. 

FACING PAGE \/' 

Plan de la Coupe Verticale-Longitudinale d'un Vaisseau 

DE 74 Canons xxx / 

Le Comte de Grasse xlviii / 

Etched by H. B. Hall from an original miniature. 

The Barfleur loo / 

From "The King's Ships," by courtesy ofT. H. Parker Bros. 

Admiral Lord Viscount Hood 150 / 

From an original picture by F. Abbot. 



INTRODUCTION 

This book deals with a naval campaign, one of the most 
notable and momentous in history; for on its outcome, 
humanly speaking, depended whether, or no, the Amer- 
ican colonies in revolt should remain a part of the Brit- 
ish Empire. 

Certain preliminaries are necessary to a clear under- 
standing of events: as the character of the fleets em- 
ployed; the tactics in vogue, and some account of the 
antecedent events leading up to the final British failure. 

At the outbreak of the Revolution, the British fleet, 
which had been allowed to run down sadly after the 
Seven Years' War ending with the peace of 1763, was 
in a seriously unserviceable condition. The Admiralty 
administration was corrupt and inefficient beyond mod- 
ern belief, the whole being under the influence of the 
party spirit which permeated every form of the public 
service and made both dockyard efficiency and sound 
discipline afloat impossible. And, too, besides the evils 
which come of party rancor in which admirals and 
generals took full part, it was a dishonest and corrupt 
period. There was peculation everywhere on the part 
of civilians connected with the public service, and often 
on a gigantic scale. Bribery, by the King, of members 
of parliament in order to retain a government majority, 
was the usual and recognized procedure. The paymas- 
ter-general of the forces built up a vast fortune, the 

Cxix] 



INTRODUCTION 

dockyards, under civil control, were sinks of corrup- 
tion. Honesty, in the modern sense, was almost un- 
known; the pursers afloat robbed the seamen with bare- 
faced rapacity, and the higher officers were now and 
then not guiltless.^ It was an age of what is now called 
"graft" with which the present cannot compare in theft 
efficiency. 

At the outbreak of our Revolution only about 18,000 
seamen were in the British service. These now and for 
long years after were largely the product of the "Press," 
an organized institution throughout England, by which 
in case of war every man who had remotest connection 
with the sea, and many who had none whatever, were 
ruthlessly seized and carried into service. Incoming 
merchantmen were boarded and the men, with their 
homes in sight, so to speak, taken aboard the men-of- 
war, leaving sometimes too few to work the ship safely 
into port, or manning them with men too old or weak 
to go to sea, who were known as "men in lieu [of]," and 
who were kept at hand for such purpose. Men-of-war 
cruised ofT the port in order to meet merchantmen and 
fill out their own crews, and if the unhappy sailormen 
escaped such big and little cruisers, there was an inner 
ring of small craft carrying press-gangs which com- 
pleted the work. Rarely was any mercy shown poor 
Jack. "Thus the 'Monmouth's' men had in 1706 been in 
the ship 'almost six years, and had never had an oppor- 
tunity of seeing their families but once.' In Boscawen's 
ship, the 'Dreadnought,' there were in 1744 two hun- 
dred and fifty men who 'had not set foot on shore near 
two years.' Admiral Penrose once paid oflf a seventy- 

^ Captain Young (Rodney's flag-captain) in the Barham Papers, 
[British] Navy Records Society, Vol. I, p. 75. 

cxx: 



INTRODUCTION 

four at Plymouth, many of whose crew had 'never set 
foot on land for six or seven years'; and Brenton, in his 
Naval History, gives the case of a ship whose company, 
after having been eleven years in the East Indies, on 
returning to England were drafted straightway into 
another ship and sent back to that quarter of the globe 
without so much as an hour's leave ashore." ^ It was a 
hard, rough age in which "man's inhumanity to man" 
still had fullest swing. The press-gang was England's 
rough-handed, and in the main effective. Inscription 
Maritime, the best the Anglo-Saxon mind, never very 
ready in matters of organization, was able at that time 
to develop.^ 

The time of Hawke, Boscawen and Anson was just 
past, and Howe, Rodney, Hood, and not least from the 
point of promise, Kempenfelt, were coming forward as 
the prominent commanders. The navy was, in a way, 
still so much a go-as-you-please institution, that uni- 
form for officers had only a few years before been made 
a matter of regulation, the first order respecting this 
having been issued in 1754. Until then dress had been 
much a question of individual taste. The dress of the 
men continued for many years to be that common to all 
seafarers of the sailorman class. Even so late as the 
thirties of the nineteenth century, one captain dressed 
his gig's crew in scarlet. 

^ J. R. Hutchinson, The Press-Gang, p. 441. 

2 Lieutenant Bartholomew James (later Rear-Admiral), belong- 
ing to the Charon (burned later at Yorktown), but serving tempo- 
rarily in the Richmond frigate, describes a press in New York: "On 
the 27th [April, 1781], all the boats of the fleet having assembled by 
break of day on board the Rainbow, we landed at New York, and 
commenced a very hot press for six hours, having in the meantime 
taken four hundred seamen. The business of this morning furnished 

[xxi] 



INTRODUCTION 

Signals and tactics (of which more anon) were of the 
crudest, the latter being of a rigid order which required 
fleets to be practically equal in numbers and to be so 
handled that each ship should engage the ship holding 
the relative position in the opposite line, a rule which 
for nearly a hundred years stood for ineffectiveness and 
never brought a decisive action. These hard-and-fast 
rules, backed by the political rancor of the day, were to 
cause the putting to death of the unfortunate Byng. 
And these rules, which had had nearly a century of 
hold upon the service, combined with the inefficiency 
of the signal system which Kempenfelt tried so hard to 
reform and would have reformed much earlier than 
came to pass had he not been drowned in the tragic 
upsetting in Portsmouth harbor of the "Royal George," 
were to be a large element in the loss of America to 
England. For they were, through want of general 
knowledge of the new signals used by Graves (by order 
of the Admiralty), in part the cause of the loss by the 
British of the action between Graves and De Grasse off 
the Capes of the Chesapeake. Thus moved by com- 
paratively simple things are even the greatest affairs of 
men. An indigestion, a delay of a few hours, a mis- 
taken signal loses an empire. 

The ships of the day were, as a rule, uncoppered and 
thus suffered from rapid fouling and the marine borer. 

us with droll yet distressing scenes — the taking of the husband from 
the arms of his wife in bed, the searching for them when hid beneath 
the warm clothes, and, the better to prevent delay, taking them off 
naked, while the frantic partner of his bed, forgetting the delicacy of 
her sex, pursued us to the doors with shrieks and imprecations, and 
exposing their naked persons to the rude view of an unfeeling press 
gang." (Journal of Rear-Admiral Bartholomew James, 1752-1828, 
Vol. VI, [British] Navy Records Society.) 

Hxxii;] 



INTRODUCTION 

Coppering was only just coming into use, the first Brit- 
ish man-of-war having been coppered in 176 1. By 
1778 perhaps half had been so treated; by 1785 practi- 
cally all. Naturally the uncoppered ships suffered 
greatly in speed, through the rapid sea-growth on wood, 
and in destruction through the sea-worm. So dull and 
heavy in movement w^re the ships of the time that 
many hours were sometimes spent in forming a line, and 
even then often without success. Says Captain Young, 
Rodney's flag-captain in 1780, in a letter to Charles 
Middleton (later Lord Barham), Controller of the 
Navy: ''Your attention to the coppering reflects the 
greatest merit on you. It is impossible for me to de- 
scribe the advantages attending it, and indeed exceeds 
the expectations of everyone. The advantages from the 
helm alone is immense, as they feel them instantly, and 
wear in a third of the distance they ever did; it keeps 
them tight and covers the neglect in your dockyards 
from bad caulking; increases their speed in every situ- 
ation, more particularly in light winds tending to a 
calm, which is no small advantage in this and every fair 
weather country. Its greatest effect is in sailing large; 
we have frequently made the signal for a line of battle 
ahead (the squadrons all pretty close to us) when going 
with the wind near aft, our topsails on the caps, the 
yards braced contrary ways, and the uncoppered ships 
with every sail they could set, and have not been able 
to form, though six hours at it, but obliged to give 
it up."^ 

To understand the unseaworthiness of the ships of 
the day, one has but to read the terrible account of the 

1 The Barham Papers, [British] Navy Records Society', Vol. 
XXXII, p. 67. 

Cxxiii] 



INTRODUCTION 

gale of September, 1782,^ encountered some 300 miles 
southeast of Nova Scotia by the merchant fleet from the 
West Indies, of over ninety sail, under convoy of ten 
line-of-battle ships commanded by Admiral Thomas 
Graves, who was in the "Ramillies." Half the battle- 
ships went down with a loss of 3500 men. Among the 
ships lost were the lately captured "Ville de Paris" and 
two others of the prizes taken by Rodney in the battle of 
the 1 2th of April of that year. No doubt the great loss 
was due to laying to, through ignorance, on the wrong 
tack. The law of storms was not yet developed or even 
broached. 

The wonder is that these great tublike hulks, usually 
but 170 feet long on the gun deck and 47 feet broad, 
(and none exceeding 190 feet by about 53), with their 
lofty freeboard of three or four decks, should ever 
have got anywhere in reasonable time even under the 
favorable circumstances of being coppered; and the 
wonder is still greater that they could be manoeuvred 
as an effective coherent mass. And very frequently they 
could not. The diagrams of actions usually depict them 
in a beautiful and mathematically exact formation. We 
know, however, that a fleet of twenty or more battle- 
ships which should not under ordinary circumstances 
have formed a column of more than two nautical miles, 
frequently stretched as many leagues (and sometimes 
greatly more), owing to calms or light airs. It w^as 
such a condition which was fatal to De Grasse on the 
1 2th of April, 1782, when, with a few ships, he became 
separated from the rest of his fleet and was thus over- 
powered by numbers. Historians have spoken of this 
as breaking the line. The fact is that with the vary- 
^ See Beatson, Naval and Military Memoirs, V, 497 et seq. 

[xxiv] 



INTRODUCTION 

ing and light winds of the region natural in the situ- 
ation, near to several islands, both fleets were scattered 
over leagues of sea and instead of a line being kept there 
were widely separated groups. De Grasse's line, so 
called, was broken by wind conditions under the high 
land of Dominica. His main body had sailed or drifted 
away and he was simply left unsupported. 

Such conditions as existed, — blunt, short and broad 
hulls, some ships coppered, some not, the varying sizes 
of ships in the line of battle, — could not but work for 
great uncertainty of action and had gravest weight on 
the outcome of effort. Thus D'Estaing, sailing from 
Toulon the 13th of April, 1778, did not reach his objec- 
tive point, the Capes of the Delaware, until the 6th of 
July. He was thirty-three days in getting to the Straits 
of Gibraltar and fifty-two thence to the Delaware, a de- 
lay which was fatal to the success of his campaign. Just 
half of his twelve ships of the line were coppered, but 
only two were good sailers. That he divided his twelve 
ships into five categories shows in itself how unequal 
his fleet was to concerted movement. 

Admiral Byron who, on account of D'Estaing's de- 
parture, left Plymouth on the 9th of June with twelve 
ships of the line, to reinforce the British force at New 
York, was sixty-seven days in reaching the American 
coast. And when he did come in sight of Long Island 
on the 1 8th of August he was all alone, his fleet having 
been wholly scattered and much injured in a heavy gale 
of wind just encountered. In this condition he sighted 
the French fleet at anchor of? Long Island, the greater 
number of which were under jury-masts, thus showing 
that they had suffered also. Byron headed for Halifax, 
which he reached eight days later, fearing, on account 

[xxv] 



INTRODUCTION 

of the enemy, to attempt to go to New York or Narra- 
gansett Bay. Some of his ships had, however, already 
reached New York. 

These experiences are but fair illustrations of the 
defects of the ships of the day. 

For the benefit of the unprofessional reader, and as 
the ships of a century and more ago are as obsolete and 
as unknown almost even to the seamen of this genera- 
tion as the ancient galley, it is well to state that a ship 
of the line was a vessel of a size and armament equal to 
taking a place in the line of battle. The modern equiva- 
lent is found in the shorter phrase battle-ship. Such 
ships varied materially in force much as the battle-ships 
do to-day. They ranged from those of 60 guns to 120; 
the latter, however, were rather rare exceptions. By far 
the larger part of a fleet was made up of the class known 
as seventy-fours. This was a "two-decker," i.e., it had 
two complete tiers of guns, or two gun decks and 
an incomplete tier on the upper deck. The two-decker 
thus had guns really on three decks and the three- 
decker on four. Naturally the lower gun deck was not 
far above the water and the lee guns on this deck fre- 
quently could not be fought, as the ports would have to 
be kept closed on account of the heeling of the ship. 
The frigates had but one covered gun deck. They were 
the scouts of the period; the eyes of the fleet of heavy 
battle-ships. They had no place in the line of battle but 
repeated the commander-in-chief's signals. The sloop- 
of-war was a ship with guns only on the upper deck. 

Though the information is readily available, it is not 
amiss to give some details of the construction and arma- 
ment of the ships of the time, as being necessary to a 
reasonable understanding of the actions of the period. 

Cxxvi] 



INTRODUCTION 

For a good three-quarters of a century, or one may say 
well on to a full century, there was but little change in 
size, character and armament of ships. Thus the "Royal 
Sovereign" of lOO guns, launched in 1728, was 175 feet 
long on the gun deck; 140 feet 7 inches on the keel and 
50 feet 3^ inches beam, with a tonnage of 1883 tons, 
equivalent to a displacement of about 3000 tons; the 
"Barfleur," of 90 guns, was 163 feet on the gun deck; 131 
feet on the keel and 47 feet 3 inches beam, with a ton- 
nage of 1565. The "Victory" of 100 guns (launched 
1765 to replace a "Victory" lost in 1744), Nelson's flag- 
ship at Trafalgar, and which is still afloat, was 186 feet 
on the gun deck; 151 feet 3^ inches on the keel and 52 
feet beam, with a tonnage of 2162. The 36-gun frigates 
w^ere about 140 feet on the gun deck; 120 on the keel, 
and 36 feet beam, with a tonnage of 900 tons. Their dis- 
placement may be taken as about twice the measured 
tonnage. 

The guns (by the establishment of 1743, which held 
for a long period) were, with slight variations as to 
length and weight, as follows : 





Length 


Weight 


Calibre 


Service Charge 


Windage 




ft. in. 


cwt. 


in. 


lbs. 


in. 


42-pounder 


10 


65 


7.03 


17 


.35 


32 


9 6 


55 


6.43 


14 


•33 


24 


(9 6 
'^9 


50 
46 


5.84 


II 


.30 


18 


/9 6 
^9 
(9 6 


42 
39 
36 


5.3 


9 


.27 


12 


18 6 


32 
31 


4.64 


6 


.22 



There were five classes of the 9-pounders, varying in 
weight from 28.5 to 23 cwt. with a charge of 4 lbs. 8 oz., 

[xxvii] 



INTRODUCTION 

and a windage of .22 inch.^ There were six of the six- 
pounders, varying from 9 ft. to 6 ft. 6 in. Their calibre 
was 3.67 in.; charge, 3 lbs.; windage, .19 in. The 100- 
gun ship carried about 900 men; that of 90 guns, 800; 
of 80 guns, 700; the seventy-fours, 600; the sixty-fours, 
500; the fifties, 350; the forty-fours, 280; the thirty- 
twos, 220. 

By the strict wording of the "Establishment" the 100- 
gun ship carried twenty-eight 32-pounders on the lower 
deck; twenty-eight 24-pounders on the middle deck; 
twenty-eight 12-pounders on the upper (gun) deck; 
twelve 6-pounders on the quarterdeck, and four 6- 
pounders on the forecastle. The class of seventy-fours 
carried twenty-eight 32's on the lower deck; twenty- 
eight i8's or 24's on the upper deck (as the size of the 
ship varied) ; fourteen 9's on the quarterdeck, and four 
9's on the forecastle. These figures are, however, only 
approximate, as the heavier ships usually carried from 
8 to 10 more guns than the number rated. 

Carronades, invented as early as 1752 by a General 
Melville, and which took their name from the foundry 
at Carron in Scotland where they were made, did not 
come into use until the period of our Revolution. They 
were short guns of heavy calibre but of much less 
weight for the same calibres. Their powder charge 
was comparatively light and their ordinary range but 
300 yards. As the actions of the day were usually at 
close quarters, how^ever, ships often being in actual con- 
tact, the new invention was, for mixed batteries, a valu- 
able one, as it gave a much greater weight of fire in close 

^ That is, the ball was that much less in diameter than the bore, 
[xxviii] 



INTRODUCTION 

action.^ The guns and gun mountings were in general 
character practically those carried in broadside down to 
the time of our Civil War. Mountings, sights, and 
methods of training and elevation were exceedingly 
primitive and continued so with but little change for 
generations. Neither sights nor locks were much used 
until after 1780:^ guns were trained or elevated by 
guesswork. As actions were frequently fought with 
ships, as mentioned, in actual contact, such defects were 
not in the long run as serious as might be thought. Lat- 
eral train was of course comparatively accurate; the ele- 
vation was of secondary consideration, as at the close 
range at which actions were usually fought, if the shot 
missed the hull it was pretty sure to cut something in 
the towering mass of rigging which offered a target 
about 180 feet square. Notwithstanding the crudity of 
the means of handling, loading, pointing and firing 
guns, an amazing number of shots were fired. Thus the^ 
"Sandwich," Admiral Rodney's flag-ship, in the action 
with the French fleet under Guichen ofif Martinique, 
on April 17, 1780, fired 3288 round-shot, using 160 
barrels of powder. She had herself eighty shot in the 
hull and a mast shot away.^ 

^ Their real use was, however, as auxiliaries to the longer gun. 
Their short range was fatal to the Essex in the action in 18 14 with 
the Phoebe and Cherub near Valparaiso. The Essex carried 40 
thirty-two-pounder carronades and six long 12's. The Phoebe had 
30 long i8's and 16 thirty-two-pounder carronades. Captain Por- 
ter, it must be said, protested against the armament before leaving 
the United States. The British ships had only to stand off at long 
range and pound the Essex to death, and this too within a half mile 
of the shore just north of Valparaiso. 

2 They were flint locks. "The detonating lock and percussion tube 
came in 1842." (Robinson, The British Fleet, p. 254.) 

3 Mundy, Life of Rodney, I, 287, note. 

[xxix] 



INTRODUCTION 

All rigging was of hemp, and this on account of its 
tendency to stretch in heavy weather was liable to give 
wholly insufficient support to the masts, which in the 
large ships towered from 175 to 190 feet above water, 
with an immense weight of yards and canvas. The 
ironwork (chain-plates) supporting the lower dead- 
eyes was often inferior and gave way under severe stress. 
Fleets were thus frequently disabled by the loss of masts 
when only a few days out of port. 

While the masts and spars were so at the mercy of 
the gale, they suffered equally in action. It would seem 
that one had but to fire a gun and a mast went by the 
board. The cutting of a few shrouds or stays might 
result in leaving the ship a helpless hulk. The battle 
pictures of a sea covered with floating masts and debris 
of yards and sails are in no degree, as a rule, overdrawn. 
Such was but the natural result of every severe battle. 

Chain cables were unknown;^ all cables were of 
hemp. Those of the three-deckers of 80, 90 and 100 
guns were 22, 23 and 24 inches in circumference. The 
seventy-fours had cables of 21 inches. 

The handling of such great ropes was a matter of 
extreme labor and difficulty and the means w^ere of the 
crudest. One need not wonder that cables were cut 
when in a hurry, instead of spending hours in heaving 
in. The care of such a mass of water- and mud-soaked 
material was a serious matter. 

The continuous "spar deck"^ of more modern days 
was unknown. There was a deep "waist" between the 

^ These were not used until about 181 1. 

2 This name came from the use of the upper deck for the stowage 
of the immense mass of spare spars, such as yards, topmasts, etc., car- 
ried there, forward of the mainmast. The quarterdeck was a real 
quarter of a deck ; forecastle needs no explanation. 

[xxx] 















Q£) 









&^ 




INTRODUCTION 

;\!' tMTr. "ncT was of hemp, and this on account of its 

■ retch in heavy weather was liable to give 

icient support to the masts, which in the 

wered from 175 to 190 feet above water, 

.'.iiiense weight of yards and canvas. The 

(chain-plates) supporting the lower dead- 

I'ten inferior and gave way under severe stress. 

c thus frequently ^sabled by the loss of masts 

days out ogport. 

'< and sp^^were so at the mercy of 
the gu 1 cgualgrin action. It would seem 

that one had but to iir§a ^n and a mast went by the 
board. The cutting 0%^ ip^ shrouds or stays might 
result in leaving the ?h^> a^ielpless hulk. The battle 
pictures of a sea covered \\i|[T floating masts and debris 
of \nr.is and sails are in§ro dsgree, as a rule, overdrawn. 
v^. the natufel r^lt of every severe battle. 

ie^ were ^nkn'wvn;^ all cables were of 
c of the tiree^eckers of 80, 90 and 100 
, 23 and 24<gncSg^s in circumference. The 



.\/-iours had cableijof 21 inches, 
i he h. iif sucfv gt€kt ropes was a matter of 

extreme iau.v; lud difficulty^nd the means were of the 
crudest. One need not welder that cables were cut 
when in a hurry, instead offending hours in heaving 
in. The care of such a massof water- and mud-soaked 
material latter. 

■^" • deck"^ of more modern days 

A as a deep "waist" between the 

;ntil about i8li. 

of the upper deck for the stowage 
>, such as yards, topmasts, etc., car- 
r e mainmast. The quarterdeck was a real 

qu..;;' .. . ^^'- needs no explanation. 

rxxxi 



INTRODUCTION 

quarterdeck and forecastle, uncovered but for spare 
spars and boats, all of which were stowed on thwart-ship 
beams, boat davits being unknown. Bright yellow 
sides with upper works of blue and broad strakes of 
black at the water-line, and nearly all inboard a dull 
red, was the fashion in paint throughout the eighteenth 
century. It was Nelson who introduced the black sides 
with yellow port strakes which later were changed to 
white and so continued throughout the era of wooden 
ships. ^ 

All ships of the period were very low between decks. 
Ventilation was thus of the slightest, and of hygiene 
there was but little thought. The water was carried in 
wooden casks. It was often impure when taken on 
board, and naturally did not improve by so keeping. 
As a rule, the health of ships' companies was thus almost 
incredibly bad, though there were some captains who 
kept healthy ships. ''The 'Stirling Castle,' 64, Captain 
Samuel Cornish, arrived at Portsmouth [in 1756, after 
a few months only of Channel service] with 480 men, of 
whom 225 were the pressed refuse of gaols and scum of 
streets; she was full of fever and other illnesses, and 
when the sick had been sent ashore but 160 men re- 
mained for duty." Later, going to New York and the 
West Indies, her new captain writes from Antigua: "I 
officiate as Chaplain and bury eight men in a morn- 
ing."- Of the 175,990 men raised from September, 
1774, to September, 1780, 18,541 died from disease; 
only 1243 had been killed, 42,069 had run.^ 

1 Cf. Robinson, The British Fleet, pp. 248, 249, for fuller details 
of painting. 

2 Clowes, The Roval Navy, III, 23. 
^ Ibid., Ill, 339- 

Cxxxi] 



INTRODUCTION 

The habit of systematically carrying women to sea 
which, toward the end of the seventeenth century, was 
in the proportion of so many per company of marines, 
lasted in some degree throughout the eighteenth, as one 
finds frequent mention of them. Of what we call 
"morals" there was but little; Captain Thompson, writ- 
ing in the middle of the eighteenth century, after 
describing the unsavory persons and dwellings of the 
negroes of Antigua, goes on : 

"But bad smells don't hurt the sailor's appetite, each 
man possessing a temporary lady, whose pride is her 
constancy to the man she chooses; and in this particular 
they are strictly so. I have known 350 women sup and 
sleep on board on a Sunday evening and return at day- 
break to their different plantations.'" I have been told 
of similar things in our own service as existing in the 
"forties" of the last century, my informant being Cap- 
tain Patterson, who was later head of the Coast Survey. 
It is evident that in other times there were other 
manners. 

It is clear that Smollett in ''Roderick Random" 
scarcely overdraws the picture of sea-life in his own time 
(1760). But the period was a coarse one both afloat 
and ashore. The life of the sea was but a reflex of the 
other. Both have changed together in immense degree, 
in sanitation, morality, temperance, culture and man- 
ners. In all these, navies have much more than kept 
pace with their shore-dwelling brethren. I have no 
hesitancy in giving it as my opinion, after an acquaint- 
ance of nearly fifty-five years with naval life, that the 
naval officers of every period have typified the best men 
of that period, and never more than to-day. I quite 
^ Clowes, The Ro.val Navy, III, 23. 
[[xxxii]] 



INTRODUCTION 

agree with the remark to me of a well-known British 
Admiral : "The best men I meet in every country are 
the naval officers." It stands to reason that they should 
be. For no men have higher or heavier responsibilties, 
in command, in diplomacy and in all that calls for 
man's best efforts. The sea does not brook inefficiency. 
It is not for the weakling to meet Nature in her stormi- 
est moods nor for such to deal in diplomacy or war with 
men of all degrees and all races. Naval life is of so 
stern an exigence that of necessity the unfit must dis- 
appear. The life of the sea is thus a great democracy 
which respects man's ordinary social status not at all. 
The great reward goes only to the man of whom it can, 
in all truth, be said: "Well done." 

Some time before the outbreak of our Revolution, 
tactics and signals had begun a new development. The 
British"FightingInstructions,"which had longobtained 
and in the main long continued in the letter, were hide- 
bound and forbade anything like originality. Devi- 
ation from them, if thereby any disaster occurred, was 
fatal to the standing of a commander-in-chief, and, as 
mentioned in the case of Byng, to life. Scarcely any 
captains dared to deviate from what was laid down. 
There was no initiative. Thus through scores of years 
there had never been a really decisive fleet action. The 
French were the first to develop anything like an ef- 
ficient system of tactics. The work of Vicomte de 
Morogues, published in 1763, was the leading book of 
its period on the subject. He wisely advised large ships 
and heavy guns as thereby a fleet could be less numerous 
without being less powerful: "Its movements were 
more prompt, signals better received, formation more 
exact." Kempenfelt wrote Middleton (the Controller 

Cxxxiii] 



INTRODUCTION 

of the Navy) , in August, 1779 : "That we have no regu- 
lar system of tactics you know; also that tactics are as 
necessary for fleets as armies." And in January, 1780: 
"I believe you will with me think it is something sur- 
prising that w^e who have been so long a famous mari- 
time Power should not yet have established any regular 
rules for the orderly and expeditious performance of 
the several evolutions necessary to be made in a fleet. 
The French have long set us the example. They have 
formed a system of tactics which are studied in their 
academies and practiced in their squadrons. . . . We 
should therefore immediately, and in earnest, set about 
a reform."^ Well had it been for British success in our 
Revolutionary period had Kempenfelt been listened to 
when he first pressed the subject. Kempenfelt urged a 
translation of the French tactics, and even went to 
France to study the subject.- Morogues, as mentioned, 
favored throughout the fleet composed of fewer big 
ships rather than of a greater number of smaller ones. 
"The shortened line was the method of his choice."^ 
"Summing up his theory of naval warfare in general 
and tactics in particular, it is this : Firstly, that the para- 
mount means of securing the end of warfare is a crush- 
ing decision against the enemy's fleet. Secondly, that, 
given the gun as a basis of tactics, and given the ease of 
avoidance at sea, such a decision can only be gained 
by superior concentration of fire and superior mobility. 
But here a dilemma is involved. Superior concentra- 
tion can best be obtained by close order, but close order 
means loss of mobility. The dilemma, however, is not 

^ Signals and Instructions, Navy Records Society, Vol. XXXV, 
pp. 2, 3. 

2 Ibid., Introduction. 

3 Ibid., 12. 

[xxxiv] 



INTRODUCTION 

insoluble. The way out is to use big ships and big guns 
whereby you can secure at the same time both superior 
concentration and, having fewer units, superior mobil- 
ity." ^ We have here the theories of to-day enunciated 
in 1763. Concentration against a portion was also held 
by Rodney to be the true object rather than to follow the 
rule of generations which required a careful formation 
parallel to the enemy's line and then each ship engage 
its opposite. In a note to Clerk's "Tactics" he said: 
"It is well known that attempting to bring to action the 
enemy, ship to ship, is contrary to common sense, and a 
proof that that admiral is not an officer whose duty it 
is to take every advantage of an enemy by which he will 
be sure of defeating the enemy and taking the part 
attacked, and likewise defeating the other part by detail 
unless they make a timely retreat. During all his com- 
mands Admiral Rodney has been entrusted with he has 
made it a rule to bring his whole force against part of 
the enemy's, and never was so absurd as to bring ship 
against ship."^ 

We have here in 1779 the beginning of the departure 
from the ancient ship-to-ship rule, a departure at- 
tempted by Rodney in his action with Guichen on April 
17, 1780, off Martinique, but rendered abortive by an 
ambiguous signal combined with the authority of the old 
"Fighting Instructions," which throughout their careers 
had been stamped upon the minds of the captains. One 
can readily understand the confusion that would result 
from such a misunderstanding in a fleet of twenty ships 
in the close order of one cable distance,^ which even 

^ Signals and Instructions, Navy Records Society, Vol. XXXV, 
p. II. 

^Ibid., 14. 

^ The old cable was 120 fathoms = 720 feet. 

C XXXV 3 



INTRODUCTION 

thus Stretched about three and a half nautical miles, in 
action with one of twenty-two ships, with a line, by Rod- 
ney's estimate, of four leagues (twelve miles) in length, 
as occurred in his action with Guichen. The British 
captains in the van pressed all sail to reach the head 
ships of the French line, and the concentration of the 
compact British line upon the rear of the much ex- 
tended French was thus rendered abortive. Hence 
much acrimony and ill-feeling, courts-martial and a 
most harsh report home from the commander-in-chief, 
whose own insufficient clarity in signals was chiefly 
responsible. Something of the same kind was to hap- 
pen in Graves's encounter with De Grasse, by which the 
battle was lost, and, with the battle, America. 

A great deal which is more or less nonsense has 
been written about "breaking the line." There were 
generations of controversy over Rodney's action in this 
respect on April 12, 1782, when De Grasse was defeated 
and his flagship, the "Ville de Paris," taken. Rodney in 
reality broke no line in this action because there was 
none to break. The French fleet was so affected by the 
light airs, calms and currents which prevailed in the 
immediate vicinity of the islands near which they were, 
that any careful reading of the narrative shows the im- 
possibility of any real formation on their part. The 
battle ended with both fleets divided into widely scat- 
tered groups, miles apart; the French flag-ship with five 
others formed the central group ; there were some 
dozen ships two miles to windward of her and the rest 
four miles to leeward. The British were in no better 
formation, but Rodney was fortunate in having a su- 
periority near De Grasse's group. The result was the 
capture of the French flag-ship and her immediate com- 

[xxxvi] 



INTRODUCTION 

panions, and the escape, through Rodney's unwilling- 
ness to pursue, of nearly all the others. The net loss 
to the French, it may be said, was six line-of-battle ships 
taken, two destroyed and a demoralization which ended 
their naval efficiency in the West Indies. It was this 
demoralization of the French, and not the capture of a 
few ships, which gave the battle its great importance. 

Returning to the formerly much-vexed question of 
breaking the line, the matter is thus summed up after 
an extended examination by Mr. Corbett, in his volume 
of "Signals and Instructions, 1776-1794": "We are 
brought to the incontestable conclusion that by the end 
of 1 78 1, there was a signal for breaking the line on 
every principal station except that which Rodney com- 
manded";^ and one of its chief exponents, in theory at 
least, was the admiral who lost the battle against De 
Grasse off the Capes of the Chesapeake. 

With this somewhat long beginning, we turn to the 
actual events which led to the overthrow of British 
dominion over the thirteen colonies. In dealing with 
these it seems fitting that some general account of 
French naval effort on our coast should be given. 

The surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga, on October 
17, 1777, made the eventual independence of the United 
States so likely that France, wounded to the heart by 
the treaty of 1763, and ready to deal an avenging blow 
to Great Britain, signed, on February 6, 1778, an alli- 
ance with the United States. Her sympathy and aid had 
already been strongly shown, but now, on April 13, 
1778, the Comte d'Estaing- sailed from Toulon with a 

^ Navy Records Society, XXXV, 57. 

2 Charles Henri Theodat d'Estaing du Saillans, born at the Cha- 
teau de Reval (Puy-de-Dome), November 28, 1729; beheaded April 

[xxxvii;] 



INTRODUCTION 

fleet of twelve ships of the line, two of which were of 
80 guns, six of 74, three of 64 and one of 50. There 
were also five frigates of 26 guns each. He carried 
with him M. Gerard de Rayneval, the first envoy from 
France to the United States. 

Unfortunately D'Estaing was not a seaman. His ca- 
reer to the age of thirty-four had been in the army. He 
was transferred to the navy in December, 1763, with 
the rank of vice-admiral, and was now, in his fiftieth 
year, in the most important command afloat which the 
King of France had to give. The situation in America 
was made to hand for an enterprising officer. General 
Howe had, at the moment when he should have been 
assisting Burgoyne's expedition to the utmost, trans- 
ferred the main British force to Philadelphia. Clinton 
was slow in moving to Burgoyne's support with the 
remainder. The result was that he was too late, Bur- 
goyne being forced to surrender the day Clinton's force 
reached and burned Kingston on the Hudson. Howe 
was still at Philadelphia, but was about beginning a 
retreat across New Jersey to Sandy Hook and New 
York. His brother, Vice-Admiral Lord Howe, who 
was to come to high distinction, was in the Delaware 
with six sixty-fours awaiting the preparation of the 
large number of transports which were to carry the 
army impedimenta. On June 18 the army crossed the 
Delaware; the next day the transports moved down the 
river, but did not get to sea until June 28. D'Estaing 
had been at sea seventy-six days. He did not reach the 
Delaware until ten days later, July 8. D'Estaing is 
credited with the apothegm: "La promptitude est la 

28, 1794, during the Terror. (Lacour-Gayet, p. 139. Genealogy in 
Doniol's Participation of France, etc., Vol. Ill, chap, v.) 

[xxxviii;] 



INTRODUCTION 

premiere des armes; etonner, c'est presque avoir 
vaincu.'" Rarely has the observance of the precept 
been more necessary and seldom has it been more com- 
pletely ignored. D'Estaing w^as thirty-three days to 
Gibraltar, a distance of but about 750 nautical miles. 
His average daily run was thus at the almost incon- 
ceivably slow rate of twenty-three miles a day. Passmg 
Gibraltar, where of course he was observed, and whence 
he was followed for fifty leagues by a British frigate 
which carried the news of his westward destination to 
England, he was to be yet fifty-three days in reaching 
the Delaware, though with the Straits as his point of 
departure he was most favorably placed for making a 
good passage. As mentioned, his quarry by the time of 
his arrival had flown. 

The meaning of the foregoing is that had D'Estaing 
arrived ten days earlier— and by all reasoning he could 
have done so by devoting his efforts wholly to a quick 
passage, towing his slower ships as De Grasse did later 
in his passage from Brest to the West Indies, thus mak- 
ing the passage from Brest to Martinique in five weeks 
—he would have captured Lord Howe's much weaker 
force in the Delaware, with all the British transports, 
New York would have been defenseless and must have 
fallen, and with this capture would have come an end 
of the war, certainly so far as it concerned America. 

D'Estaing's next move was of course to appear off 
New York. But Howe, who was inside of Sandy Hook 
on June 30, had shown every energy in preparing a de- 
fense. A five-gun battery was established on the Hook, 
commanding the channel; seven ships were echelonned 
1 Lacour-Gayet, La Marine Milltaire de la France sous la Regne 
de Louis XVI, p. I43- 

[xxxix] 



INTRODUCTION 

in the channel with springs and separate anchors. By 
veering on the cables, their broadsides would present to 
the east; and echelonned as they were, each ship would 
fire clear of the other. Several other ships were utilized 
independently of these, the whole being six sixty-fours, 
three fifties and six frigates. D'Estaing anchored ofif 
the Hook on July 1 1. The New York pilots declared it 
impossible to take the heavy French ships over the bar, 
though Admiral Arbuthnot states in a letter of October 
8, 1779, to the Admiralty, that "at spring tides there 
is generally thirty feet of water on the bar at high 
water." How much of the pilots' action was the result 
of disloyalty, how much fear, one can only surmise. 
Their cupidity was tempted by an offer of 150,000 
francs without avail, and it is fair to suppose that both 
disloyalty and fear must have contributed to defeat such 
a temptation. Under the circumstances it required a 
Farragut or a Suffren (who, by the way, commanded 
the "Fantasque," 64, of D'Estaing's fleet). D'Estaing 
was neither. In any case he gave up the attempt, though 
on July 22 everything conspired to give every advan- 
tage; for on that day there was a fresh northeast wind 
and a spring tide. "At eight o'clock," wrote an eye-wit- 
ness in the British fleet, "D'Estaing with all his squad- 
ron appeared under way. He kept working to wind- 
ward, as if to gain a proper position for crossing the 
bar by the time the tide should serve. The wind could 
not be more favorable for such a design; it blew from 
the exact point from which he could attack us to the 
greatest advantage. The spring tides were at the high- 
est, and that afternoon thirty feet on the bar. We con- 
sequently expected the hottest day that had ever been 
fought between the two nations. On our side all was at 

Cxi] 



INTRODUCTION 

Stake. Had the men-of-war been defeated, the fleet of 
transports and victuallers must have been destroyed, 
and the army, of course, have fallen w^ith us. D'Estaing, 
however, had not spirit equal to the risk ; at three o'clock 
we saw him bear off to the southward, and in a few 
hours he was out of sight." ^ 

Thus ended d'Estaing's second great opportunity. 
He was to have one more, which, though not compar- 
able in importance with either of the others, would, if 
successful, have been a momentous event. This was the 
possible capture of the 6000 British and Hessians, with 
a naval force of five frigates and some smaller vessels 
and transports, at Newport and the lower part of Nar- 
ragansett Bay. 

It had been concerted with Washington that should 
the attack on New York not be ventured, D'Estaing 
should go to Newport, in the vicinity of which was 
already General Sullivan with a small force, shortly to 
be added to by 2000 men under Lafayette, sent from 
Washington's main force on the Hudson. General 
Nathanael Greene was also sent to command one of the 
three divisions into which the American investing army 
was to be formed. Sullivan was hoping to raise his 
force to 10,000 men, but militia are a very uncertain 
quantity, and it was the slowness of their coming in 
from Rhode Island and the neighboring States, and 
Sullivan's request to await their coming, which was the 
chief element in the miscarriage of this most promising 
opportunity. 

D'Estaing anchored ofif Brenton's Reef on July 29. 
There was every reason for haste, for it was known that 
Vice-Admiral Byron, who had sailed from England on 

^ Clowes, The Royal Navy, III, 401. 
Cxli] 



INTRODUCTION 

June 9 with thirteen ships of the line, was now due in 
America. This fleet, scattered by heavy gales, was soon 
indeed to begin to reach port, the flag-ship, for reasons 
already mentioned, going into Halifax. The situation 
thus offered a dangerous potentiality. Sullivan, at once 
boarding the French flag-ship, in company with Lafay- 
ette, explained his own situation and asked for a little 
more time to collect his troops. Delay was fatal. It not 
only gave opportunity to the British general, Pigot, who 
commanded the army, and to Captain John Brisbane, 
the senior naval officer in command of the ships, to take 
measures for defense, but, what was of much more im- 
portance, it brought, after a delay of nine days, the 
British fleet under Howe, which caused D'Estaing un- 
wisely to leave the bay to meet them, and eventually 
sent him to Boston with his ships much damaged by a 
heavy gale, and without bringing the British fleet to 
action. War is not a game in which success is to be 
subordinated to an ally's vanity. Every element of the 
situation demanded the disregarding of General Sulli- 
van's request at least to the extent of entering the bay 
at the earliest moment and taking advantage of a 
surprise. 

D'Estaing the day after his arrival had sent two of 
his ships of the line under Suffren into the channel west 
of Conanicut Island, and two frigates and a corvette 
into Sekonnet River, where the British now destroyed 
a sloop of war and an armed galley. On August 5 Suf- 
fren anchored north of Conanicut and two other ships 
took his place in the West Channel. It was now that 
the five British ships were destroyed by Captain Bris- 
bane. Two were sunk south of Goat Island in the chan- 
nel leading to the inner harbor, and five transports were 

[xiii;] 



INTRODUCTION 

sunk between Goat and Coasters Harbor Islands. The 
1500 Hessians on Conanicut Island were withdrawn to 
Newport, and the batteries built on Goat Island and 
at other points on the water-front were manned by the 
seamen of the sunken ships. 

On August 8 the other eight French ships of the 
line, coming in at the main entrance, ran past the bat- 
teries without damage and anchored north of Goat and 
Rose Islands, where they were rejoined by Suffren with 
his two ships, the two in the west passage being ordered 
to cruise outside. On Sunday morning, August 9, at 
7 A.M., D'Estaing landed on Conanicut Island such of 
the thousand soldiers as the prevailing scurvy and gen- 
eral ill-health had spared, and 2000 armed seamen. 
Some fifteen flatboats had been provided by the Ameri- 
cans for the landing and for the transport next day to 
the northern part of Aquidneck Island (on which is 
Newport). It was while the landing upon Conanicut 
was in progress that news came that General Sullivan, 
anticipating the plan agreed upon for next day (the 
loth) , had already crossed to the upper end of the island 
with between two and three thousand men, but without 
artillery and but little of his munitions. He desired 
assistance. Too much appears to have been made by 
the French officers of this breach of arrangement, which 
after all was vastly better than tardiness. But whatever 
the weight of the point of etiquette involved, it was 
as nothing to what now happened. D'Estaing had 
scarcely more than given orders to comply with Sulli- 
van's request for an immediate transfer of his landing 
force to Aquidneck Island, when word was brought 
that Lord Howe's fleet was seen, in the interval of lift- 
ing of the fog, at anchor off Point Judith, which is seven 

[xliii] 



INTRODUCTION 

miles south of the entrance to Narragansett Bay. He 
had with him one seventy-four, seven sixty-fours, five 
fifties, six frigates and some smaller vessels, but his 
exact force could not be absolutely determined. 

The men were at once recalled aboard, a council of 
war called and steps taken to dispose the ships of the 
fleet for defense against attack in the bay, by anchoring 
in close order on an east-and-west line between Gould 
Island and Conanicut; there they should have re- 
mained. The afternoon and night was squally with the 
wind from W.S.W. to N.W., with intervals of calm. 
At daylight of the loth the weather was overcast, with a 
light W.N.W. wind, almost calm. Many of the ships 
were kedging into position. At 7 A.M., the wind, now 
stormy, suddenly hauled to the N.N.E. and D'Estaing 
determined to profit by its direction, which was fair to 
go to sea and seek the enemy. Well would it have been 
had he and his people been more weather-wise, for the 
description in the journal^ kept by the Comte de Cambis 
aboard the "Languedoc" flag-ship, and which has been 
largely used in this account, is an exact premonition of 
what is locally known as the "August gale," which has 
its origin in a West Indian hurricane. Any reference 
to local knowledge would, or at least should, have kept 
D'Estaing in harbor ; any fisherman could have told him 
what was brooding; the British fleet, driven ofif by the 
furious tempest about to break, could not have returned 
for some time; the situation of the army in Newport 
was desperate, and it must have surrendered on the first 
attack; Lord Howe himself, after communicating with 
the British army and navy commanders in Newport, 
"was of opinion that it was impracticable for him to 

1 Doniol, III, 374 et seq. 

Cxliv] 



INTRODUCTION 

afford Sir Robert Pigot any essential relief."^ But the 
fates were against D'Estaing and at 7:30 A.M. (August 
10) he gave orders to prepare to get under way. The 
flatboats were sent back to Sullivan with a promise to 
return with the fleet; and at 8:30 signal was made to 
get under way, cutting the cables, and leaving behind 
their boats and the four frigates. By 10:30 the fleet 
had passed out of the harbor entrance, suffering no 
injury of any moment from the fire of the British bat- 
teries. Once outside, it was seen that Howe was also 
under way, he having also cut his cables, and for the 
moment at least refusing action. In this he was entirely 
justified, seeing that his force in guns was but as 672 
to 782, and that he was wholly outclassed as to ships, 
the French having two eighty-gun ships and six seventy- 
fours, whereas but one of the British was even of the 
latter force. There is no need to go into the manoeuvres 
for position during that day and part of the next, or into 
any account of the difficulties to come through the ris- 
ing gale. By the evening of the nth this had so in- 
creased that engagement was out of the question; it 
became a matter of safety. The upshot was the scatter- 
ing of the two fleets and severe injuries to both, though 
much greater to the French. The "Languedoc," flag- 
ship, lost all her masts, her bowsprit, and broke her tiller. 
In this unmanageable condition she was attacked by two 
of the British ships, and would have been captured but 
for the happy advent of some of her less injured con- 
sorts. All of the French fleet, but two, gathered to- 
gether and on the 15th of August were at anchor 
twenty-five leagues east of Cape May. Here they were 
seen by Admiral Howe, who, with his fleet separated, 
1 Beatson, IV, 345. 
Cxlv] 



INTRODUCTION 

was alone in the "Centurion." On the i8th, on their 
way again to Newport, the French were seen south of 
Long Island by Admiral Byron, who, in his flag-ship, 
the "Princess Royal," was all alone, his own fleet scat- 
tered to the winds. Byron was now sixty-seven days 
from Plymouth, and fearing in his damaged condition 
to attempt to get into New^ York, with the French fleet 
at hand, put for Halifax, where he also found others of 
his ships, though some had reached New York. One, 
the "Cornwall," had arrived there on July 30th and had 
taken part in Lord Howe's expedition to Newport, the 
only seventy-four of his fleet. Such in that day, and for 
generations later, were the uncertainties of the sea. 

D'Estaing, though his officers were of one mind 
that they should proceed under orders, which were 
explicit to go to Boston to refit or take refuge if threat- 
ened by a superior force, held loyally to his promise to 
return to Newport, an action for which he should have 
every credit; with his flag-ship towed, he arrived ofif 
Newport on August 20. Here he communicated with 
General Sullivan, who sent Generals Nathanael Greene 
and Lafayette aboard the "Languedoc" to press for an 
attack. Both of the reasons given in his orders were 
now active, but D'Estaing offered to land the 1500 
troops and marine infantry with the fleet, if they would 
guarantee to reduce Newport in two days. This the 
American officers felt unable to promise. D'Estaing 
called a council of war; his captains were unanimous 
that the fleet should go at once to Boston, and on August 
22 it sailed. It arrived at Boston on August 28, and was 
busied with repairs and looking after the defense 
against the British fleet, which appeared but three days 
after under Byron, Howe having now resigned his com- 

CxlviD 



INTRODUCTION 

mand. It did not attack. During most of the time at 
Boston relations between the French and the populace 
were strained. A riot even occurred in which a French 
officer was killed. The feeling over the Newport fail- 
ure ran high, aided much by the indiscreet action of 
Sullivan, who did not recognize how far his own delay 
had gone to produce failure. He wrote a wholly 
uncalled-for letter upbraiding D'Estaing, and in a gen- 
eral order to his now rapidly dwindling army (3000 
had left in one day) criticized our allies so severely 
that a duel was imminent between himself and Lafay- 
ette. To endanger thus our alliance with France was 
an astonishing error which it required the ever wise 
Washington to repair. 

On November 3, 1778, D'Estaing sailed for the West 
Indies. Arriving at Martinique December 9, he entered 
upon a year of varying fortune. He was reinforced in 
February by a division of four line-of-battle ships under 
De Grasse, by two under Vandreuil in April, and five 
more under La Motte-Piquet in June. He had under 
his command twenty-five of the line. One must look 
elsewhere for the happenings in the West Indies. The 
occupation, however, by the British of Savannah in De- 
cember, 1778, caused loud calls for naval aid from the 
United States. The success of the French in taking all 
the Windward Islands except St. Lucia emboldened 
D'Estaing to disregard for a time his orders to return 
with his own particular command to France, and at- 
tempt the relief of Savannah. On August 31 he 
anchored off Savannah River, with twenty-two of the 
line, with the idea of even continuing a career of con- 
quest as far as Halifax, after taking Savannah. Things 
were to be far otherwise. The attempt on Savannah by 

[xlvii] 



INTRODUCTION 

the French under D'Estaing and the Americans under 
Lincoln was wholly unsuccessful; the two weeks pro- 
posed for the capture lengthened into two months, until 
on October 28, the fleet, anchored in an open roadstead, 
was driven to sea and separated in a fierce gale. On 
November 5 the flag-ship, with not an anchor remaining 
aboard, was 250 leagues southeast of Savannah, and 
alone. To gather the scattered fleet, which returned 
ship by ship to the West Indies, was hopeless. D'Es- 
taing stood for France, meeting the "Provence," which 
gave him an anchor, and on December 7, 1779, reached 
Brest. 

D'Estaing's move against Savannah had had the im- 
portant effect of causing the withdrawal on October 25, 
1779, of the British from Newport to New York, 
through fear of attack there. Had D'Estaing, instead of 
Savannah, attempted New York, where Admiral Ar- 
buthnot then had but five ships of the line, he might 
have ended his campaign with all the brilliancy of his 
utmost hopes. Again he had the chance of ending the 
war. As it was, the American coast was left open for 
the movement at will of the British ships, of which there 
were twenty-seven of the frigate class, large and small. 
The southern coast was open to freest occupation and 
desolation; and though the eccentric policy now under- 
taken by the British was, through almost fortuitous cir- 
cumstances, to end unfavorably for them, it was not far 
from conquering the country. For it delivered for a 
time into their hands the whole region south of Vir- 
ginia, in which the loyalists were as many and as active 
as were the patriots.^ 

1 On this subject see Van Tyne, The Loyalists in the American 
Revolution. 

[xlviii] 



Joe (jomte de ytadde 

Sicked by &S. o©. &0 all from an otiginal ininiatuxe 



INTRODUCTION 

?» ader D'Estaing and the Americans under 

wholly unsuccessful; the two weeks pr 

e lengthened into tw^o months, until 

. .xoet, anchored in an open roadstead, 

.1 and separated in a fierce gale. On 

N r s the liag-ship, with not an anchor remaining 

es southeast of Savannah, and 
scattered fleet, which returned 
:>t Indies, was hopeless. D'Es- 
meeting the "Provence," which 
. December 7, 1779, reached 

"'^nah had had the im- 

raw^al on October 25, 

<- ^y;'* (~r\e\\port to New York, 

^ttii^^ ^^ ^^^"00 ^cL : D'Estaing, instead of 

.suST^nuu \j..nv:>so «j. ^n<y'\\Wm M .%^' ^.Vi^A'a^re Admiral Ar- 

js of the line, he might 

all the brilliancy of his 

he chance of ending the 

ast was left open for 

- ips, of which there 

:, large and small. 

Test occupation and 

'olicy now under- 

ist fortuitous cir- 

•=^ it was not far 

livered for a 

outh of Vir- 

iind as active 

:■; r.'ie ^"imerican 



INTRODUCTION 

Thus ended the first French naval expedition to the 
United States, from which so much had been hoped. 
It was pursued by misfortune from beginning to end: 
in the slowness of its passage, whereby Howe escaped 
from the Delaware; in the failure to be properly served 
by the pilots at New York, which not unnaturally dis- 
heartened a commander to whom and to whose captains 
the waters were totally unknown; and in the delay in 
attack at Newport, which resulted in such disaster. 
D'Estaing's force was such that an immediate attack 
must have been successful. He would have captured 
the 1500 Hessians upon Conanicut and the ships which 
the navy was given time to sink, and there would have 
been no time to build the batteries which he would 
later have had to attack with probably some loss. 
Whether he should not have remained in the bay on 
the appearance of Hood is a moot question. Beatson, 
an excellent contemporary authority, says that "Lord 
Howe was of opinion that it was impracticable for him 
to afford Sir Robert Pigot any essential relief." Almost 
certainly D'Estaing could have held his own in the bay 
and have reduced Newport, in so doing, easily. His 
choice as it turned out was a misfortune, and almost a 
fault, for even a defeat of Howe's fleet at sea would 
have left him with a much shattered force, which would 
shortly have again been faced by one much more pow- 
erful under Byron. In the circumstances, instant ac- 
tion on the first arrival at Newport was a necessity. 
The failure to act promptly must, as said, be laid chiefly 
at our own door, through General Sullivan's specific 
request for delay. To accede to this was courtesy but 
not war. Perhaps Suflfren would have been more insis- 
tent and less polite. D'Estaing's failure was not far 

Cxlix] 



INTRODUCTION 

from wrecking the American cause. Perhaps Suffren 
was right in his estimate of his chief: "S'il avait ete 
aussi marin que brave . . ."^ 

There seems to have been but one man of his time 
who recognized the situation clearly: Washington. His 
dictum, and it was an opinion expressed at various 
times and in various forms throughout the war, places 
him among the first who had a real recognition of the 
value of command of the sea, which goes back to Ba- 
con's generalization. In a memorandum of July 15, 
1780, which he sent to Rochambeau by the hands of 
Lafayette, Washington said: "In any operation, and 
under all circumstances, a decisive naval superiority is 
to be considered as a fundamental principle, and the 
basis upon which every hope of success must ultimately 
depend." A hundred years were to pass before this was 
to have a world-comprehension through the genius of 
the American naval historian, Mahan.^ 

The years 1779 and 1780 were years of deepest gloom 
to the American cause. Actually we had no govern- 
ment. On the same day, June 10, 1776, that there was 
appointed a committee to draft the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, another was formed to draw up the "Articles 
of Confederation." This committee first reported on 
July 12, 1776, but it was not until November 15, 1777, 

^ For further accounts of this first French efFort, see Doniol, Par- 
ticipation de la France a rEtablissement des Etats Unis d'Amerique. 

2 A little-noticed writer who advanced the theories later so forcibly 
inculcated by Admiral Mahan was the Frenchman Deslandes. In his 
Essai sur la Marine et le Commerce (printed at Amsterdam, by Fran- 
gois Changuion, in 1743) he proclaimed that "from the beginnings 
of history the marine had been a decisive factor in the rise and fall of 
states." The only copy I know of is in the Yale University Library. 
—Editor. 



INTRODUCTION 

that their report was adopted, and even then it was 
not until March i, 1781, that the last colony, Mary- 
land, signed it, and it came definitely into the ineffec- 
tive operation of which only it was capable. Prob- 
ably no more impotent system of government was ever 
attempted. Appropriations could be passed, but they 
were only advisory, as the several States could be ap- 
pealed to only to furnish their quota. There was no 
such thing as a command by Congress; it could only 
request; any State could withdraw at will, for there was 
no means of forcing it to remain in the Confederation. 
Each State had entire independence as to fiscal arrange- 
ments. This is no place to enlarge upon this subject, 
but the situation is well expressed by the phrase: "The 
States were independent sovereignties, united in a 
league of which the first object was, not to guard against 
Great Britain, but against each other." ^ Interest grad- 
ually fell away until the actual attendance rarely rose to 
thirty of the ninety delegates. Even the definitive treaty 
of peace could not be ratified until January 14, 1784, 
because it had been impossible to bring together the rep- 
resentatives of the necessary nine States. The army in 
1779 and 1780 was famished and in rags. Washington 
marveled that there had not been a "general mutiny and 
dispersion," and he marveled equally at the "incom- 
parable patience and fidelity of the soldiery," notwith- 
standing the fact that during the winter of 1777-1778 
"twenty-three hundred deserters went into Philadelphia 
and joined the British Army."- They were simply 
driven by hunger to the plentiful food which a sound 

^ Encyclopedia Americana: Confederation, Articles of. 
- V^an Tyne, The American Revolution, American Nation Series, 
Vol. IX, p. 237. 



INTRODUCTION 

currency could buy and an utterly discredited currency 
could not. 

One who lifts the screen of laudation and glamor 
woven in later generations can only marvel at our suc- 
cess. There was in fact but one reason for it — Wash- 
ington, who was the Revolution embodied. Ever firm 
and constant, neither over-depressed nor elated, he 
dominated events as no other man in history has done, 
the nearest approach to his incomparable firmness and 
tenacity being found in Frederick the Great in the 
Seven Years' War. 

Once again the French fitted out an expedition to 
operate on the American coast. On May 2, 1780, the 
Chevalier de Ternay, with seven ships of the line and 
three frigates convoying thirty-six transports carry- 
ing some 5000 troops under the Comte de Rocham- 
beau, left Brest for Newport, Rhode Island. It arrived 
on July II. For a whole year this very considerable 
force was to effect nothing for want of anything like 
the naval superiority which Washington so truly an- 
nounced as a principle in his first communication to 
Rochambeau, and emphasized later to De Grasse: 
"Whatever efforts are made by the land armies, the 
navy must have the casting vote in the present contest." 

Rodney, leaving the West Indies with ten ships of the 
line, had reached New York on September 14 and had 
assumed general command over the naval forces under 
Arbuthnot without any specific authority from the Ad- 
miralty and despite the very proper indignation and 
protests of Arbuthnot.^ He started on his return to 
the West Indies on November 16, having done nothing 
except create ill-feeling, though with the twenty-one 

^ Rodney was, however, upheld by the Admiralty. 

Ciii] 



INTRODUCTION 

sail of the line then in the combined squadrons at New 
York he might have annihilated the French squadron 
at Newport. Rodney's departure left Arbuthnot with 
but ten of the line, including the six which had arrived 
on July 13, 1780, under Graves. In September the trea- 
son of Arnold had come to add to Washington's heavy 
burdens. On September 15 De Ternay, who saw no 
hope for America, died at Newport, — "of chagrin," 
says Lafayette. He was clearly unfitted for his post. 
Said an officer of Rochambeau's command: "I have 
never seen an admiral more cast down or less enterpris- 
ing."^ He was succeeded for the moment by the next 
in command, the Chevalier des Touches. 

On December 20 a British force of 1500 men under 
Arnold sailed for Virginia to create a diversion for 
Cornwallis, then in North Carolina, whence adverse 
conditions were soon to cause him to move to Virginia. 
In Virginia was Lafayette, who, with De Kalb, was un- 
able, despite unsparing energy, to prevent the ruthless 
devastation of the State. It would now have been 
good strategy to meet Washington's views by making a 
diversion from the West Indies with a few of the 
French fleet under Monteil, who was left in com- 
mand after the departure in 1780 for France of 
Guichen, De la Motte-Piquet and De Grasse, and who, 
says the French historian Lacour-Gayet, did "almost 
nothing." "His correspondence abounds in documents, 
reports, memoirs, but in all this mass one cannot glean 
a single fact of a truly military character. He was at 
the Cape [Haitien] and he did not budge from Santo 

^ Colonel le Vicomte de Charlus, Journal de mon Voyage en Ame- 
rique (Lacour-Gayet, p. 254). 



INTRODUCTION 

Domingo, or he was at Havana and he did not budge 
from Cuba."^ 

De Ternay had written Guichen for the aid of four of 
his ships, but his letter arrived after Guichen's depar- 
ture, and, Monteil not having the cipher, De Ternay's 
request, through Monteii's failure to make it out, had 
no effect. Des Touches limited his first efforts to the 
despatch of a ship of the line, two frigates and a cutter 
to the Chesapeake in February. This squadron effected 
nothing beyond the capture of a British forty-four and 
eight transports. Finding Arnold's force afloat sup- 
ported by land batteries, the French ships returned to 
Newport. In March Des Touches tried again with his 
whole force of seven of the line and three frigates. But 
this time he found within the Capes of the Chesapeake 
Arbuthnot, who from his base in Gardiner's Bay, Long 
Island, had been keeping close watch upon the move- 
ments of the French, and had left almost at the same 
time, arriving at the Capes before Des Touches; it was 
but another instance of the general superior capacity of 
the Anglo-Saxon as a seaman. Arbuthnot came outside 
the Capes, a futile action was fought on March i6, 
1 78 1, and Des Touches returned to Newport with noth- 
ing accomplished. Meanwhile, as said, there were in 
the West Indies fifteen French ships of the line doing 
nothing. As affairs turned out, any discussion pertain- 
ing to these items of history is purely academic, but they 
are, notwithstanding, necessary parts of the account of 
the events which led finally to the great success. All 
mistakes may be said to have been providential, for all 
led to Yorktown, 

De Grasse, on his return to France in 1781, was se- 
^ Lacour-Gayet, p. 345. 

Cliv] 



• INTRODUCTION 

lected for the command of the new fleet fitting out for 
the West Indies. He sailed from Brest on March 22, 
178 1, with twenty sail of the line. 

Born September 13, 1722, De Grasse was now in his 
fifty-ninth year. He had only returned in January, 
1781, from the West Indies, where he had served under 
D'Estaing and Guichen. Four days after De Grasse, the 
Comte de Barras, named as the successor of De Ternay, 
sailed in the frigate "La Concorde" for Boston, where 
he arrived May 6, and at Newport on the loth. On May 
20, Cornwallis arrived at Petersburg, Virginia, having 
moved from North Carolina, and there he took over the 
command from the traitor Arnold, who had but just 
succeeded to the command of the force under General 
Phillips, who died on May 13. Arnold returned to New 
York. Clinton, with between ten and eleven thousand 
men at New York, was apprehensive of attack, and was 
desirous that Cornwallis should send back to New York 
some of the 7724 troops sent to Virginia between Oc- 
tober, 1780, and June, 1781. Cornwallis, who had now 
moved to Portsmouth, Virginia, declared, however, that 
it was impossible to hold his own in Virginia with less 
than the force he had with him, which novv^, with a late 
reinforcement of 1700, amounted to over 7000 men. 
The selection of a point d'appui was ordered, Old Point 
Comfort being specially named. The engineer and 
naval officer who inspected the position declared 
against it, and the main body of Cornwallis's force 
finally left the vicinity of Norfolk for York River on 
July 30, and the whole were at Yorktown and Glouces- 
ter by August 20. All this, of course, was subsequent to 
the Wethersfield meeting and could have no bearing in 
any decision there. 

civ] 



INTRODUCTION 

Barras carried a letter from the Minister of Marine 
to Rochambeau stating that De Grasse would inform 
him when he could leave the West Indies for our coast. 
Said the Minister: "[As De Grasse] is master of his 
own movements, with authority to unite or separate his 
forces, I trust he may control the American coasts for 
some time to come, and that he may cooperate with you 
if you are projecting any enterprise in the North." ^ 
With this knowledge and also with the information 
from despatches of the British Minister of War, dated 
February 7 and March 7, 178 1, captured and sent in by 
a privateer, that it was the purpose of the Government 
to occupy the Southern States and carry thence their 
conquest North, the meeting of the two commanders for 
consultation took place at Wethersfield on May 21. 
The arrival of Cornwallis in Virginia from North 
Carolina was yet unknown. The conclusions reached 
are shown in the formal question of Rochambeau and 
the reply of Washington. The former was : "If the fleets 
from the West Indies should arrive in these waters, an 
event which will probably be announced beforehand by 
a frigate, what operations will General Washington 
have in view, after a juncture of the French troops with 
his own?" Washington's reply was to the effect that, the 
enemy at New York having been reduced by detach- 
ment to less than half the force which they had in Sep- 
tember, 1780, it was advisable to unite the French and 
American forces on the North River and move to the 
vicinity of New York "to be ready to take advantage of 
any opportunity which the weakness of the enemy may 
afford. Should the West Indian fleet arrive on the coast 

^ MS. Letter Books of Rochambeau, Library of Congress, quoted 
by Tower, Lafayette, II, 283. 



INTRODUCTION 

. . . either proceed in the operation against New York" 
or "against the enemy in some other quarter as circum- 
stances should dictate." The difficulties of a move 
south were dwelt upon and the preference for an opera- 
tion against New York "in the present circumstances 
over an attempt to send a force to the southward," 
reiterated. 

With this understanding Rochambeau returned to 
Newport. 

On May 28, Rochambeau, now assured of the inten- 
tion of the French Government that De Grasse should 
at least at some time appear on the coast, wrote a letter 
to the admiral to go by "La Concorde" from Boston, say- 
ing: "The enemy is making the most vigorous efforts in 
Virginia. Cornw^allis is marching from Wilmington 
near Cape Fear to join on the Roanoke at Halifax with 
the corps of Phillips and Arnold, which goes to make 
up an army of 6000 men at Portsmouth, Virginia, . . . 
whence with his small armed vessels he ravages all the 
rivers of Virginia. . . . General Washington is certain 
that there remain at New York but 8500 regular troops 
and 3000 militia. He has pressed the Comte de Barras 
to go with the French troops to Chesapeake Bay. M. 
de Barras has shown the impossibility of this. He then 
pressed for the junction of the French army with his 
own, on the North River, to conjointly menace and per- 
haps attack New York. M. de Barras says that as soon 
as the army leaves he will go to Boston, following out his 
orders. There will remain at Newport 500 American 
militia to hold the works, which the enemy does not ap- 
pear to be in a position to attack. 

"Some days since the English squadron cruised off 
here five or six days. Four of them stood to sea, it is 

nivii] 



INTRODUCTION 

supposed to return to New York or towards the Chesa- 
peake to assist the offensive operations in the South. 
There are seven ships of the line; one of three decks, 
three 74's, three 64's, two 50's, four 44's and many frig- 
ates. These last are not always with the squadron ; they 
spread themselves about in support of their different 
movements. 

"This is the state of things and of the severe crisis in 
which America finds herself and particularly the States 
of the South at this moment. The arrival of the Comte 
de Grasse can save it; all our means at hand can do 
nothing without his assistance and the naval superiority 
which he can bring. 

"There are two points at which to act offensively 
against the enemy: the Chesapeake and New York. 
The southeast winds and the distress of Virginia will 
probably cause you to prefer the Chesapeake Bay, and 
it is there where we think you can render the greatest 
service ; besides, it would take you only two days to come 
to New York. In any case it is essential to send us, well 
in advance, a frigate to forewarn the Comte de Barras 
as to the place at which you will land, as also General 
Washington, in order that the first may join you and the 
second may support you with the land forces." 

Rochambeau added a postscript three days later in- 
forming De Grasse that Barras had decided to remain 
at Newport. This decision was the result of a council 
of war of officers of both army and navy. 

On June 10 the ship of the line "Sagittaire" arrived 
at Boston, bringing a letter dated March 29 from De 
Grasse himself to Rochambeau: "His Majesty, Mon- 
sieur, has confided to me the command of the naval 
forces which he has destined to protect his possessions in 

[Iviii] 



INTRODUCTION 

southern America [the West Indies], and those of his 
allies in the North. The forces I command are suffi- 
cient to execute the views as to the offensive which it is 
in the interest of the allied powers to carry out in order 
to bring an honorable peace. . . ." 

He requested to be informed at Santo Domingo, 
"where I shall be at the end of June," of the British 
naval forces north; that word be sent by several des- 
patch vessels, and ended by saying that it would be to- 
ward the 15th of July, at the earliest, that he could 
reach our coast; "but it is necessary," he added, "seeing 
the short time I can stay in the country, which in any 
event the season will force me to leave, that everything 
which can serve in the success of your projects shall not 
delay action a moment." 

Rochambeau replied the day of the reception of the 
letter, June 11, informing De Grasse that Washington 
had written him four letters since his previous writing 
on May 28, pressing him to move; that he expected to 
join in five or six days and try, in menacing New York, 
to make a diversion in favor of Virginia. He con- 
tinued: "I cannot conceal from you that Washington 
has not half the troops he counted on having, and I be- 
lieve, though he is reticent on this, that he has not at 
present 6000 men; that M. de la Fayette has not 1000 
regular troops, including the militia, to defend Virginia, 
and about as many more on the way to join him. ... It 
is then of the greatest consequence that you take aboard 
all the troops you can, 4000 or 5000 would not be too 
many," to attack the force at Hampton Roads and then 
to force the Hook, the land troops taking possession of 
Sandy Hook, which would facilitate the entry of the 
fleet over the bar. "We are sure that the 'Sandwich,' 



INTRODUCTION 

Rodney's flag-ship, in September, and the 'London,' 
Graves's flag-ship, more lately, have entered and gone 
out; finally in order to aid us after the siege of Brook- 
lyn, supposing we are able to establish ourselves with 
8000 men at this point of Long Island, keeping 5000 
or 6000 at North River to mask King's Bridge, — voila, 
Monsieur, the different objects you can have in view 
and the actual and grievous picture of affairs in this 
country. I am sure you w^ill bring there a maritime 
superiority, but I cannot too often repeat to bring also 
troops and money." 

He repeated also the necessity of forewarning Barras 
and Washington, and added a postscript: "I observe by 
a letter which the Chevalier de la Luzerne has written 
you that M. Washington appears to wish you to land 
first at the Hook, in front of New York, in order to cut 
ofif Arbuthnot's squadron from anchoring there. I sub- 
ordinate my opinion to his as I am bound to do; but our 
latest advices indicate that the enemy's squadron, after 
having anchored for several days outside the Hook, has 
put to sea and gone toward the south. "^ 

"This letter," says Tower, "and the one which Gen- 
eral de Rochambeau wrote in the last days of May are, 
with regard to their results, among the most important 
historical documents of the Revolution; for they laid 
the basis upon which was established the cooperation of 
the allied forces in the Yorktown campaign."^ 

This correspondence and the minutes of the Wethers- 
field meeting, May 21 and 22, show very clearly the 

^ For this correspondence, see Doniol, Correspondance du Comte 
de Rochambeau, V, Appendix. The advices regarding the British 
fleet were in error. 

- Tower, Lafayette in the American Revolution, II, 400. 

nix] 



INTRODUCTION 

minds of both the American and French commanders. 
It was not until July 13 that Washington was able to 
inform Rochambeau that by information received on 
the 3d Cornwallis was between Richmond and Fred- 
ericksburg, "free, from his superiority of force, to go 
where he would." It is clear from the conference of 
July 19 that even at that date Washington regarded 
New York as the most important objective for the fleet, 
if all conditions of time of arrival, length of stay, etc., 
should be favorable.^ In these last words lay the crux 
of the situation. Washington wisely held that the deci- 
sion should rest upon the turn of events, and of these the 
time of De Grasse's arrival was of supreme importance. 
His own preference for the Chesapeake and his delay 
from the earliest mentioned date, July 15, to the actual 
August 30, were the deciding factors. One has only to 
piece together the happenings of July and August to see 
how fully Washington's hopes against New York would 
have been realized. On July 21 Graves had left New 
York with his whole force of battle-ships for a cruise 
to the eastward, leaving the place, from a naval stand- 
point, wholly defenseless. He did not return until 
August 16. At any time in this interval, had De Grasse 
appeared, he had but to enter the bay and New York 
would have been his, and the main part of the British 
army in America prisoners. Even after August 16 
Graves had no force but five of the line to resist him, 
two of his ships having been sent on August 17 to the 
dockyard for repairs. And had De Grasse arrived at 
any time before August 30, Hood's fleet, unless the lat- 
ter might have escaped by some extraordinary good 
fortune, must have been at his mercy. It is thus in no 

^ Minutes of Conference, Doniol, V, 516, Appendix. 



INTRODUCTION 

sense derogatory, but far otherwise, to Washington's 
judgment that he was first inclined to a naval attack 
against New York, which was a certain prey at any time 
before August 31. 

Some, including Doniol and the present (1916) hon- 
ored French ambassador to the United States, have 
raised the question as to the initiator of the move 
against Cornwallis. They have not recognized that 
they are doing an injustice to Rochambeau's memory in 
supposing him to press an overhasty advocacy of a trans- 
fer of the allied armies to the South. It is an unneces- 
sary and futile claim. It was a matter decided by the 
trend of events. Washington and Rochambeau worked 
indeed in finest accord and with absolute singleness of 
purpose. The noble self-effacement of Rochambeau 
deserves all praise. He placed himself entirely at 
Washington's command. In his own words, "Vous 
ferez de moi ce que vous voudrez."^ 

On June 18, 1781, a year less 23 days from its arrival 
in America, the French army, leaving some 430 artil- 
lerymen and all their siege guns to support Barras's 
squadron in case it should be attacked, started toward 
the Hudson to join Washington, who by July 4 occu- 
pied a line from Dobbs Ferry to White Plains. The 
French arrived and occupied the east end of the line on 
July 6. 

The "Concorde" did not leave Boston until June 20. 
She had a swift safe passage to Cape Frangais. De 
Grasse had left Fort Royal, Martinique, on July 5. He 
arrived at Cape Frangais on July 26, where he found 
four ships of the line left there the year before by Gui- 
chen. On August 12 the "Concorde," carrying De 
1 Doniol, IV, 630. 

[Ixii] 



INTRODUCTION 

Grasse's reply, dated July 28, reached Newport, and 
two days later his letter was in the hands of Rocham- 
beau and Washington. De Grasse announced his inten- 
tion to leave on August 3 (it was two days later that he 
sailed) for the Chesapeake, "the point which appears 
to me to be indicated by you, Monsieur le Comte, and 
by MM. Washington, De Luzerne and De Barras, as 
the one from which the advantage you propose may be 
most certainly attained." He had engaged at Havana 
the 1,200,000 livres requested by Rochambeau, had em- 
barked 3000 infantry, 100 artillerymen, 100 dragoons, 
ten field-pieces, a number of siege guns and mortars, 
part of the Santo Domingo garrison, all under the com- 
mand of the Marquis de Saint-Simon. He announced 
that he could remain upon our coast only until October 
15, on account of operations planned by the allied 
French and Spanish officers. He had acted wholly on 
his own responsibility and could not venture to change 
their arrangements by delay beyond the time set. 

On August 5 De Grasse left Cape Haitien with 
twenty-eight ships of the line and, going by way of the 
Old Bahama Channel, anchored on August 30, in three 
columns, just within the Capes of the Chesapeake. Bar- 
ras, five days before, had left Newport with six ships of 
the line, four frigates and eighteen French and Ameri- 
can transports, and Cornwallis only eight days before 
had completed the movement, begun on August i, of 
his force from Portsmouth to Yorktown, which position 
he had taken under orders from Clinton, after having 
made an examination of other likely points, including 
Hampton Roads. He had some 7000 men, besides 
about 1000 seamen belonging to several frigates and 
smaller men-of-war, and a large number of transports. 



INTRODUCTION 

Washington had broken camp on August 19, five days 
after the reception of the news of De Grasse's departure. 
He crossed the Hudson at King's Ferry on August 21. 
By the 25th both armies were across and the march 
south began with every caution against a revelation of 
destination, and with endeavor to give the impression to 
the British of a contemplated attack on Staten Island. 
Clinton was completely misled. The Delaware was 
forded at Trenton, and on September 5, the day of 
Graves's arrival ofif the Capes of the Chesapeake, the 
army reached Philadelphia, where Washington himself 
had arrived six days before. The march was continued 
thence to the Head of Elk. 

The Continental army which marched south under 
Washington numbered only 2000 men. The French 
were 4000. Celerity was of the utmost importance, for 
if Lafayette failed to hold Cornwallis and he should 
escape to North Carolina, the situation would be of the 
most serious character. The aid of the 3000 troops 
under Saint-Simon brought from Santo Domingo, 
which De Grasse had at once, after communicating with 
Lafayette, sent into the James River, was now of great- 
est value. These, landing at Jamestown on September 2, 
effectually settled the question of Cornwallis's retreat 
southward. 

Washington was at this moment still at Philadelphia, 
whence, on September 2, he had written Lafayette, — 
"distressed beyond measure to know what had become 
of the Comte de Grasse, and for fear that the English 
fleet [which he now knew had left Sandy Hook on 
August 31], by occupying the Chesapeake, toward 
which my last accounts say they were steering, may 
frustrate all our flattering prospects in that quarter. I 



INTRODUCTION 

am also not a little solicitous for the Comte de Barras, 
who was to have sailed from Rhode Island on the 23rd 
ultimo and from whom I have heard nothing since 
that time."^ 

Washington left Philadelphia on September 5 for the 
Head of Elk on the Chesapeake. His anxiety would 
have been still greater had he known that at that mo- 
ment De Grasse was getting under way to leave the bay 
and fight a battle with Graves. 

As to the British: On July 2, Admiral Arbuthnot 
sailed for England, leaving Rear-Admiral Graves in 
command. On the same day the latter wrote a letter to 
Rodney which he sent by the brig "Active," that inter- 
cepted despatches showed that a heavy reinforcement 
was expected from the West Indies to cooperate with 
De Barras's squadron at Newport in operations on the 
American coast. But Rodney was already informed, 
and on July 7, then at Barbados, he wrote the admiral 
at New York that he would send reinforcements. 

Two days later Rodney received word thatDe Grasse 
had left Martinique. He then gave Sir Samuel Hood 
preparatory orders to leave for the North. Certain 
reports delayed Hood and these orders were not exe- 
cuted in detail, the outcome being that while on Au- 
gust I Rodney sailed for England, on leave of absence, 
taking with him four ships of the line. Hood, on August 
10, sailed directly from Antigua for the Capes of the 
Chesapeake. 

It is the "ifs" which count in war as in everything 

else, and there was a momentous one in the events of 

this period in Rodney's seizure of the Dutch island of 

St. Eustatius as one of the first acts of the newly de- 

^ Sparks, Writings of Washington, VIII, 150. 



INTRODUCTION 

clared war with Holland. This island had been the 
great base of supply of the United States whither not 
only neutral ships carried their cargoes, but many Eng- 
lish as well who did not disregard such chances to turn 
a dishonest penny. In conjunction with the army under 
General Vaughan, Rodney seized the island on Febru- 
ary 3, 178 1. The booty was immense, being valued at 
over £3,000,000. It was Rodney's undoing. He be- 
came so entangled in the distribution and in the result- 
ing lawsuits that worry brought on his old enemy, the 
gout, which made such serious inroads on his health 
that he decided to go to England to take the waters of 
Bath and to look after his interests, which had been so 
severely assailed. St. Eustatius thus became a large 
psychic element in determining the result of the war. 
Had Rodney remained, had he himself gone to the 
American coast, taking his available ships, it is not un- 
fair to suppose another turn of events. 

But all the gods of Olympus were, for the moment, 
with the French and Americans. The "Swallow," sent 
by Rodney, arrived at New York on July 27, but 
Graves, with information from the Admiralty of a con- 
voy from France for Boston, had sailed for Boston Bay 
on July 21. Despatched thither, the "Swallow" was 
forced ashore on Long Island and lost. The "Active," 
sent by Arbuthnot, reached Hood on August 3, was 
despatched back to New York on the 6th, captured on 
the way and carried to Philadelphia. Graves did not 
return to New York until August 16, when he found a 
copy which had been made of Rodney's despatch, but 
this only notified him that a force would be sent, and 
its course, not that it had started. He was still without 
any word of Hood. 



INTRODUCTION 

On August 25 Hood was off the entrance to the 
Chesapeake, and he now wrote to Graves: "Herewith 
you will receive a duplicate of the letter I had the honor 
to wTite you by Lieutenant Delanoe of the 'Active' brig, 
lest any misfortune may have befallen her in returning 
to you." This, carried by the "Nymphe," arrived at 
New York on Tuesday, August 28, 1781, and Hood's 
fleet, which Graves states never sighted the Capes of 
the Chesapeake, anchored off the Hook later on the 
same day. 

The inability of Graves and Clinton to grasp the situ- 
ation is shown in a letter from Graves to Hood written 
on August 28 : "I have this moment received your letter 
by the 'Nymphe' acquainting me of your intention in 
coming here with the fleet under your command. It was 
not until yesterday that I had any information of your 
having sailed, which came privately from Lieutenant 
Delanoe, now prisoner at Philadelphia, taken on his 
passage to this place. . . . We have as yet no certain 
intelligence of De Grasse; the accounts say that he was 
gone to the Havana to join the Spaniards and expected 
together upon this coast; a little time will show us. I 
have sent up for pilots to bring your squadron over the 
bar, which should be buoyed to render it safe. To an- 
chor without would neither be safe at this season of the 
year nor prudent, on account of its being quite exposed 
to an enemy as well as the violence of the sea. 

"De Barras's squadron was still at Rhode Island by 
our last accounts, ready for sea. . . . All the American 
accounts are big with expectations and the army has 
lately crossed to the southward of the Hudson and ap- 
pears in motion in the Jerseys as if to threaten Staten 

Clxvii] 



INTRODUCTION 

Island. For my own part, I believe the mountain in 
labour; only now that you are come . . . 

"My squadron is slender and not yet ready to move, 
or I should not hesitate upon your coming over the bar; 
as we are circumstanced it is a clear point. I met the 
General today at Denis, Long Island. . . ."^ 

On the reception of this letter. Hood pulled the long 
distance to Denis's in the afternoon of the 29th. He 
there told Graves that it was not right for him to go 
within the Hook: "for whether you attend the army to 
Rhode Island or seek the enemy at sea, you have no time 
to lose; every moment is precious." Graves promised 
to be over the bar next day. That evening word was re- 
ceived that Barras had put to sea from Newport with 
all his ships and transports.^ In the afternoon of Sep- 
tember i,'^ Graves crossed the bar w^ith his only five 
available ships, and the united armaments at once stood 
south. There were in all nineteen ships of the line. 

At 9:30 A.M. of September 5 the fleet, now of¥ the 
Chesapeake Capes, sighted the French fleet at anchor 
just inside Cape Henry. It had taken over three and a 
half days to come 240 nautical miles. Signal was now 
made, says the log of the "London," "for the Line of Bat- 
tle ahead at 2 cables length [1440 feet]. At noon Cape 
Henry W. Yz S. 4 or 5 Leages." 

De Grasse had sent four of his ships of the line into 
the bay to watch Cornwallis's movements, and he had 
now but twenty-four. About 9:30 A.M. on this event- 
ful day of September 5, his outermost ships signaled a 
fleet in the east, and at 10:15 the lookouts aloft reported 

^ The Barham Papers, I, 121. 

2 Hood to Barham, The Barham Papers, I, 130. 

^ Log of London. 

Clxviii;] 



INTRODUCTION 

twenty-four ships, and at 1 1 the lookout frigate 
"Aigrette" reported thirty, the actual number being 
twenty-seven, made up of nineteen ships of the line, a 
fifty-gun ship, six frigates and a fire-ship. The French 
had gone to quarters and the admiral had signaled to 
get under way, without further signal, at noon, when it 
was expected that the flood tide which had set at seven 
would have slackened. At 12:30 the signal was made 
to form line of battle promptly without reference to 
particular stations. 

The distance from Cape Charles on the north to 
Cape Henry is about ten nautical miles. The channel 
for heavy ships, however, is confined to a breadth of 
some three miles between Cape Henry and a large shoal 
known as the Middle Ground. In this channel were 
anchored the French ships in three columns. The tide, 
says the captain of the "Citoyen" (a name markedly in- 
dicative of the new French sentiment), was still setting 
strong on Cape Henry, and several of the ships had to 
tack to clear the cape. The "Citoyen" cleared the cape 
at 1 145, the "Ville de Paris" a little in advance. The 
former ship, through absentees on boat duty ashore, the 
sick and those who had died, was short some 200 men 
and five officers. There were not men enough to man 
the upper deck guns. Much the same may be said of the 
others of the fleet. 

The two forces now to be opposed were — British : two 
98's (three-deckers) ; twelve 74's (two-deckers) ; one 
70; four 64's and seven frigates. These nineteen ships 
of the line carried nominally 1410 guns, though prob- 
ably quite 100 more. The French were: one 104 (a 
three-decker presented by the city of Paris and so 
named, the finest ship of her day) ; three 8o's ; seventeen 

Clxix] 



INTRODUCTION 

74's and three 64's, with, nominally, 1794 guns, or prob- 
ably nearer 2000. There were also two frigates. The 
odds were thus strongly against the British. But it is 
clear that under such circumstances as those just men- 
tioned the French ships must have left the Capes in very 
straggling order, offering conditions which more than 
nullified the discrepancy of force. It was a great op- 
portunity and had Graves had the initiative which was 
only now beginning to filter into the mind of the Brit- 
ish service, so long hidebound by the old "Fighting 
Instructions," which required the formation of line 
ahead and each ship to engage her opposite, he would 
have at once stood down and destroyed the French van 
before the French line could have been formed. 

At I P.M. Graves had formed his line on an east-and- 
west bearing, heading west, the distance between ships 
one cable (720 feet). On approaching the Middle 
Ground, he wore together (2:15 P.M.) and lay to in 
order to let the center of the French "come abreast of 
us" (the "London," flag-ship, being in the center of the 
British line). The van was signaled at 2:30 to keep 
more to starboard; the signal was repeated at 3 : 17 and 
at 3 : 30 the rear of the fleet was ordered to make more 
sail. At 3 : 34 the van was again ordered to keep more 
to starboard, and at 3 : 46 signal was made for line 
ahead, "the enemy's ships advancing very slow." Even- 
ing was now approaching and signal was made "to bear 
down and engage their opponents." The flag-ship filled 
the main topsail, bore down and at 4:03 repeated the 
signal, and at 4:11 hauled down the signal for "Line 
ahead" "so as not to interfere with the signal to engage 
close." Signals for the line ahead and for close action, 
which was begun at 4:20, were repeated at 4:22. At 

Clxx] 



INTRODUCTION 

6:30 all firing ceased and both fleets stood eastward, the 
lines being about three miles apart. The British had had 
90 killed and 246 wounded; the French reported a total 
of about 200 casualties. But the damages to a number of 
the British ships were such that Graves did not again 
engage. The "Terrible," 74, was in sinking condition 
and five days later had to be burned. Nor did the 
French show any inclination to renew the battle. For 
five days the two fleets were more or less in sight, some- 
times only from the masthead. On the loth the French 
fleet bore, by the "London's" log, E.N.E. "five or six 
miles," though the journal of the French ship of the line 
"Citoyen" of the same day makes the British not visible, 
showing thus how widely scattered the ships of each 
fleet were. Cape Henry was N.N.W., distant "35 
leagues." 

It was now that the purpose for which they had come, 
and which seems, temporarily at least, to have escaped 
the minds of both commanders, came again into the con- 
sciousness of De Grasse, and he stood for the Capes, 
within which he again anchored on the nth, taking off 
the Capes the British frigates "Iris" (formerly the 
American "Hancock") and "Richmond." De Grasse 
found Barras anchored in the bay. He had arrived on 
the evening of the tenth with all his fleet intact. The 
French had now thirty-six of the line, an overpowering 
force as against the British, even should we include a 
reinforcement of six ships of the line just arrived at 
New York under Admiral Digby; news which came 
near sending De Grasse again to sea in search of the 
enemy. It required the strongest protests of Washing- 
ton to hold him to the real purposes of the campaign. 

Thus both the French and British commanders 

Clxxi] 



INTRODUCTION 

showed how little they comprehended the real strategy 
of the situation. Graves did his best, but it was a fatally 
bad best. He should, having a leading wind, have at- 
tacked the French as they made their exit, when they 
were necessarily in disorder and while but a portion 
were outside. Instead, after wearing at 2: 15 and with his 
east-and-west line heading east, he "brought to in order 
to let the Central of the Enemy [where also was the 
commander-in-chief] come abreast of us."^ An aston- 
ishing tribute to conservatism bred through the hard- 
and-fast rules of the "Fighting Instructions"! Follow- 
ing this, three successive signals were made between 
2 : 30 and 3 : 34 for the van to steer more to starboard. 
At 3 146 signal was made for "Line ahead," followed by 
the signal, which certainly was not congruous with its 
immediate predecessor, "for the ships to bear down and 
engage their opponents." The admiral filled the main 
topsail and also "bore down to the Enemy." The signal 
to "bear down and engage" was repeated three minutes 
after the former and again at 4: 1 1 when the signal for 
"Line ahead" was hauled down that it might not inter- 
fere with the signal to "engage close," having been up 
twenty-five minutes, the signal for "Close action" also 
flying. The van and center began action at 4: 15. The 
signal for "Line ahead" was again hoisted at 4:22, "the 
ships not being sufliciently extended." This was again 
hauled down at 4:27 and the signal for "Close action" 
was again made; this was repeated at 5 :20, upon which 
the rear (Admiral Hood) "bore down" (toward the 
enemy) . The French rear, however, kept at such a dis- 
tance that the British rear practically did not get into 
action at all. At 6 : 30 fire ceased on both sides. 

1 London's log. 
Clxxii] 



INTRODUCTION 

That Graves desired "close action" by the whole line 
is sufficiently clear, and it is not comprehensible to-day 
why his orders, though marred by the signal "Line 
ahead," were not carried out. Sir Samuel Hood (later 
Lord Hood) was undoubtedly one of the most capable 
officers of his time. Though he did not do what was evi- 
dently the obvious thing, he was wise enough after the 
event, and expressed himself in a private letter to 
George Jackson, assistant secretary of the Admiralty, in 
terms which were an epitome, on this occasion, of good 
tactics and good sense. 

It is impossible, however, to avoid the impression that 
Hood did not do his duty as, had he been in chief com- 
mand, he would have expected a subordinate to do. 
Whether there was a temporary pettiness of mind, 
arising from an unconcealed contempt of Graves, or 
whatever the cause, he did not whole-heartedly aid 
his chief. The journal of the "Barfleur," his flag-ship, 
says at "31 minutes past 3 the Admiral made the Sigl. to 
the Fleet to Alter the Course to Starboard." The signal 
for "Close action" was flying, and this was Hood's op- 
portunity. Instead he chose to consider that he was to 
hold the line and thus scarcely got into action at all. It 
was not until 5:20, when the signal for "Close action" 
was repeated (that for the line having been hauled 
down at 4:27), that Hood stood down, but the ships of 
the French rear bearing up also, he did not get near 
enough to accomplish anything. Certainly his conduct 
aided largely in the losing of the day for the British. 

Graves says in one of the last paragraphs of his report 
of the action : "The fleets had continued in sight of each 
other for five days successively and at times were very 
near. We had not speed enough in so mutilated a state 

[Ixxiii] 



INTRODUCTION 

to attack them, had it been prudent, and they showed no 
inclination to renew the action, for they generally main- 
tained the wind of us and had it often in their power." 

This paragraph is curiously suggestive of the general 
"wooliness" of idea as to the duty of the British fleet. Its 
true strategy was to take advantage of the leading wind 
with which it approached the Chesapeake, and upon the 
straggling exit of the French fleet to have "worn to- 
gether" and have stood in toward Cape Henry. With 
but the van of the French fleet outside, with the others 
in the disorder of exit against a flood tide, there was the 
assurance of victory for the British, the occupancy of 
the bay and the relief of Cornwallis. Everything fa- 
vored such a course of action. Failing this, it should, 
from the British point of view, have been Graves who 
should, after the action, have gone into the Chesapeake 
and left De Grasse aimlessly sailing about. Whether the 
latter would have had the boldness to have then attacked 
New York, which was wholly undefended, is a question. 
V On the day of the action, September 5, Washington 
was standing on the river bank at Chester; "he waved 
his hat in the air as the Comte de Rochambeau ap- 
proached and with many demonstrations of uncontrol- 
lable happiness he announced to him the good news" of 
De Grasse's arrival. Had he known that De Grasse was 
leaving the Capes at that moment to fight a battle, he 
would have been less joyous. But the fates were with 
the allies. It was an incapable British admiral that 
saved the situation and brought De Grasse back to a po- 
sition he should never have left. As it was, by Septem- 
ber 28 the combined armies were in front of Yorktown, 
partly transported from the head waters of the Chesa- 
peake by French frigates sent to Annapolis, partly by 

[Ixxiv] 



INTRODUCTION 

the ordinary land route, and the loss of Cornwallis with 
his 7000 men, and the complete restoration of Conti- 
nental authority in the South, a certainty. The sur- 
render took place on October 19. On the same day 
Graves again crossed Sandy Hook bar, now with twen- 
ty-three ships, convoying Clinton with 7000 troops, 
bound for the Chesapeake. They arrived ofif the Capes 
on October 24. They there received word of Cornwal- 
lis's surrender. In any case the expedition was futile. 
The French were in fifty per cent, greater force and an 
attack could end only in disaster. The fleet and troops 
consequently returned to New York. 

To show the low ebb to which we had fallen it should 
be mentioned that Washington marched south with but 
two thousand Continentals and four thousand French. 
This fact alone shows the supreme importance of the 
French fleet. Without it there had been no American 
independence. 

A word as to Graves personally. The son of an ad- 
miral of the same name (Thomas), he was born (with 
some doubt as to the date) in 1725 and died in 1802. 
He accompanied his father in Vernon's expedition 
against Cartagena in 1741 ; was a lieutenant in 1743 at 
the early age of eighteen; a commander in 1754; a 
post-captain in 1755. In 1757 he was court-martialed 
for not making sufficient effort to discover the real char- 
acter of a large French ship which Graves (command- 
ing a sloop of but twenty guns) took for a seventy-four 
and thus did not engage. The Admiralty held that the 
French ship was but an Indiaman. The trial has a pecu- 
liar interest in that the sentence, rendered the same day 
as Byng's, shows that the court was, under the Articles 
of War, enabled to exculpate the latter also on the 

[Ixxv] 



INTRODUCTION 

ground of error in judgment. Byng was found guilty of 
"negligence" under the 12th article; Graves was found 
guilty of "error of judgment" under the 36th. 

Graves later commanded the "Conqueror," 74, one of 
the ships of Byron's squadron which went to North 
America and the West Indies in 1778. He was pro- 
moted to Rear-admiral of the Blue, March 29, 1779; 
was recalled home on this account and hoisted his flag 
as a subordinate commander in the Channel squadron. 
He was shortly ordered to command a reinforcement of 
the fleet in North America under Admiral Arbuthnot. 
He was made Rear-admiral of the Red, September 26, 
1780. He took part under Arbuthnot in the latter's 
action with Des Touches on March 16, 1781, off the 
Chesapeake; relieved Arbuthnot in chief command on 
July 4, 1781, and occupied this post just long enough to 
ruin his reputation with posterity as a naval officer. 

In the fall of 178 1 he was ordered to the West Indies. 
He was there as a subordinate, a situation to which, 
after being commander-in-chief, he strongly objected. 
He had, however, lost no favor with the Admiralty and 
his request to be relieved was granted. He thus started 
from Port Royal, Jamaica, July 10, 1782, under orders 
from Sir George Rodney to convoy to England some 
ninety sail of merchantmen. He had with him ten line- 
of-battle ships, six of which (among them the "Ville de 
Paris") were the French prizes taken in Rodney's ac- 
tion of April 12, 1782. Caught in a heavy gale some 
three hundred miles south of Nova Scotia, the fleet lay 
to on the wrong tack (the law of storms not then being 
even heard of) , with the result of one of the greatest sea- 
disasters on record. The "Ramillies," Graves's flag- 
ship, had to be abandoned; the crew, all saved, being 

[Ixxvi] 



INTRODUCTION 

distributed among the merchantmen. The "Ville de 
Paris" and ''Glorieux" foundered with all on board. 
The "Ardent" and "Caton" reached Halifax. The 
"Jason" was the only one able to continue to England. 
The loss of life, says Beatson, "may be safely com- 
puted" at "three thousand five hundred men." 

Graves was promoted Vice-admiral of the Blue on 
September 24, 1787 ; Vice-admiral of the White on Sep- 
tember 21, 1790; of the Red, January 2, 1793 ; Admiral 
of the Blue, April 12, 1794, and of the White, June 6, 
1795;^ was commander-in-chief at Plymouth and in 
1793 was second in command to Lord Hood in the bat- 
tle of the first of June, when he was badly wounded. 
For his services in this action he was made an Irish peer 
in 1794, receiving a gold medal and chain and a pension 

1 The following is given by Commander Charles N. Robinson in 
his book, The British Fleet, as the origin of the three ranks of admiral 
in each grade : 

"In or about 1627 and probably at the time of the expedition against the 
Isle of Rhe, the fleet was divided into three squadrons, and each squadron 
was given a different ensign, the centre red, the van blue and the rear white; 
each flag having in the upper corner, next to the staff, a white canton charged 
with a St. George's cross. At the same time the squadrons were divided 
into three, respectively commanded by an admiral, vice-admiral and rear- 
admiral, carrying their distinctive flags on the main, fore and mizzen masts. 
As, however, the admiral commanding the centre was not only in command 
of the red division but of the whole fleet, he flew, instead of the red flag, 
the Union at the main, and thus it happened that there was no Admiral of 
the Red; nor was there any until November 9th, 1805, when, as a special 
compliment to the Navy after Trafalgar, this rank was instituted. The 
second in command flew a blue flag at the main and the Union at the fore; 
the third a white flag at the main and the Union at the mizzen." 

All the ships of an admiral's command flew the ensign of his color. 

The several grades of red, blue and white were abolished by order 
of August 5, 1864, when the white ensign was ordered for all ships of 
war; the blue became the Naval Reser\^e flag, and the red the mer- 
chant flag; the admiral's flag, white with a St. George's cross; the 
vice-admiral's, the same but with a small red disk (in heraldry, tor- 
teau) in the upper quadrant next the staff; the rear-admiral's, with a 
torteau in each quadrant next the staff. 

[Ixxvii] 



INTRODUCTION 

of £1000 a year. On account of his wounds he resigned 
his command and saw no further service. 

He married in 1771 and left a son and three daugh- 
ters. He died February 9, 1802.^ 

In concluding, the Editor desires most gratefully to 
express his obligation to the Director of the Archives 
Nationales of France and M. Charles de la Ronciere 
of the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, through whose 
courtesy the De Grasse papers were found and tran- 
scribed for the Society, and to Mr. Gaillard Hunt of 
the Library of Congress and Messrs. B. F. Stevens and 
Brown, for their assistance in collecting the despatches 
from the British Admiralty Records contained in this 
volume. 



^ Condensed from the British National Biography and Clowes's 
History of the Royal Navy. 



[^Ixxviii] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Rear- Admiral Thomas Graves was ordered to a com- 
mand in the Western (Channel) Squadron on Septem- 
ber 2, 1779, his flag-ship being the "London." The 
usual delays in fitting his flag-ship for service occurred, 
and he was most of the time at the dockyard. 

Early in 1780 it was decided that he should go to 
New York to reinforce the fleet of Vice-Admiral 
Marriot Arbuthnot, then in command in American 
waters. His orders to prepare for this service were 
issued on March 16, 1780, as follows: 



[ THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO 
REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES^ ] 

By&c. 

Having Ordered the Captains of His Majesty's Ships 
named on the other side hereof at the places against 
each exprest, to put themselves under your command & 
follow your Orders for their further proceedings; You 
are hereby required & directed to take them & the said 
Ships under your command accordingly; & to cause the 

^ Admiralty Records, Orders and Instructions, 2, 108, p. 400. 

Hi 1 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Utmost dispatch to be used (so far as the same may de- 
pend upon you) in getting them ready for the Sea, & 
then to hold yourself in readiness for sailing. Given 
&c. 1 6th March 1780. 

Sandwich ^ 

LiSBURN 

R. Man. 
Thomas Graves Esqr. Rear Admiral 
of the Blue, &c. 
By &c. P. S. 

1 The First Lord of the Admiralty from January 12, 1771, to 
March 30, 1782, when he was replaced by Admiral Augustus Kep- 
pel. The latter held the office only until January 30, 1783, when 
Lord Howe came, to remain but a few months (until April 10, 1783). 
Keppel then again was appointed, but remained only until December 
31 of the same year, when Howe again became First Lord until July, 
1788. The latter was of saturnine temperament, gloomy and in a 
way inarticulate both in speech and writing but with strong character. 

The initials P. S. where they occur in the documents stand for 
Philip Stephens. Stephens (later Sir P. S.) was secretary of the 
Admiralty from 1763 through the Revolution. Under the British 
system this official is the medium of communication to and from the 
Admiralty Board. His position is thus highly responsible and impor- 
tant. 



[2] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Enclosure A 

LIST OF SHIPS REFERRED TO (NOT ALL OF WHICH 
WENT WITH HIM).^ 

Capt. Graves London Spi'thead 

" Tenny Marlboro* Do. 

" Robinson Shrewsbury* . . . Do. 

Rt. Hble. Ld. Capt. Robt. Manners Resolution Do. 

Capt. Cornish Invincible* Do. 

" Burnett Prudent Do. 

" Biggs Amphitrite Do. 

" Sir Digby Dent Royal Oak . . . Portsmouth 

" Thompsoii America Do. 

By&c. 
P. S. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

Sir 

I beg of you to represent to the Lords Commissioners 
of the Admiralty that the addition of eight cannon upon 
the large second rates without an augmentation of the 
compliment has made it necessary in quartering the 
people to reduce the lower Deck Guns to 1 1 men each 
which are too few to work a 32 pounder well; and like- 

^ The ships starred did not go on account of delays in fitting out, 
trouble with mutinous crews, etc. (the chief cause of which was 
delayed pay). The Bedford, 74, was substituted. The Amphitrite 
was a small frigate; the others, line-of-battle ships. 

1:33 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

wise to reduce the middle deck guns to 9 men which are 
too few for an 18 pounder 

I presume to hope that their Lordships will thinck it 
reasonable a Ship going on foreign service with 98 Can- 
non mounted should be augmented with 50 men, more 
than the ordinary establishment for 90 Guns. The Lon- 
don has now only two Guns less than a first rate, and at 
the same time has fewer men by 100 — under both these 
considerations I hope their Lordships will be pleased to 
order an addition of fifty men to the compliment of the 
London. 

I am Sir your most obedient 

Humble Servant 
London at Spithead Thos. GRAVES. 

13th. March 1780 — 
Philip Stephens Esq: — 

Minute 16 Mar | let him know | that their Ldps | can- 
not consent to | the encreasg the | Complemt. of Ships 
of the 1 2d. Rate 



[ THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO 
REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES^ ] 

By &c 

You are hereby required and directed to proceed, 

with His Majesty's ships under your comand, without a 

moment's Loss of time, to No. America, in order to join 

and re-inforce the squadron under the comand of Vice 

1 Public Record Office, Admiralty 2, 1337. 

[4:] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Admiral Arbuthnot; proceeding, in the first place, to 
New York unless you shall sooner fall in with the said 
Vice Admiral or receive contrary Orders from him, 
And upon joining him, you are to deliver to him the in- 
closed pacquet; and, putting yourself under his com- 
mand, follow his Orders for your further proceedings. 
In case, upon your arrival at New York, you shall 
find that the sd. Vice Admiral is not returned from the 
Southward, or being returned, that he is gone to any 
other part of the Coast of America, You are to dispatch 
a Frigate immediately to him whereever he may be, to 
acquaint him with your arrival; sending by her, the 
abovementd pacquet and waiting at New York until the 
arrival of the said Vice Admiral, or you shall receive 
orders from him to quit that place & proceed elsewhere. 
Given &c 25th March 1780 

Sandwich 

J BULLER 
Thomas Graves Esqr LiSBURNE 

Rear Admiral of the 
Blue &c. By &c. P. S. 

Endorsed O.R.D. 25 Mar. 1780 / R. A. Graves. 



[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES^ ] 

A. O. 25th March 1780. 
Sir. 

Vice Admiral Lord Viscount Howe, late Comr in 
Chief of His Majesty's Ships and Vessels in North 
Ammerica having during such his Command estab- 
1 Public Record Office, Admiralty 2, 1337. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

lished a Monthly Change of Signals for the Squadron 
employed on that Station which still continue in force, I 
am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the 
Admty to send you herewith a Copy of those Signals for 
your Information and use; and to recommend it to you 
to keep the same as secret as possible and to give similar 
Injunctions to the several Captains & Commanders of 
the Ships and Vessels under your Command, or others, 
to whom you shall find it necessary to communicate 
them. 

I am &c 
Rear Admiral Graves. — P. S. 

Endorsed Lre. 25 March 1780 / R. Adml Graves. 



' [ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at Spithead 5th. April 1780. 
Sir 

The badness of the weather the deficiency of Stores, 
and the great quantity of work to be done, has occa- 
sioned with every exertion of Sr. Thoms. Pye and my- 
self, that only the seven sail of the Squadron 
Prudent under my command named in the Margin 

ShTewsbury will be ready by the evening— The Resolu- 
America tion will I hope be forward in a day or two 

Invincible more 

London yj^^ ^^^^ demand of Beer and water for 

Amphitnte 

so great a number of bhips, as well as rro- 

visons required to keep up the daily consumption of so 

great a Fleet as is here I find occasions more employ- 

1:6] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

ment than the other necessary wants of the Port will 
admit the Craft to do; and the Ships unavoidably fall 
back to a considerable deficiency. 

I therefore purpose to improve the first possible op- 
portunity of pushing to the westward, with those Ships 
which will be ready, and of stopping at Plymouth, 
where we can be more easily kept complete — Giveing 
orders to the other Ships to follow as fast as possible, 
which I thinck will stimulate the Officers more than by 
any other method whatever — And unquestionably one 
of the two Ships will sooner get to the westward 
through the narrow part of the Channel than the Squad- 
ron kept together; yet shou'd the Ship which will first 
follow overtake me I shall proceed on according to 
their Lordships intentions — If not, I shall certainly 
have it in my power to sail from Plymouth with many 
winds that, wou'd shut up the Squadron at this place 
and prevent my carrying into execution their Lordships 
order so early as if I go to the westward. 

Therefore Sir be pleased to acquaint their Lordships 
that, I purpose sailing to-morrow with those Ships 
named in the Margin, and do not doubt but their Lord- 
ships will approve of my intention. 

I am Sir your most obedient Humble Servt. 

Thos. Graves 
Philp. Stephens Esq. Admy. — 

As the wind is Westerly and looks dirty, and the 
Ships can hardly be so forward as to move to-mor- 
row, there will be sufficient time for my receiving any 
directions if their Lordships shou'd not quite approve 
of my intention. 

Endorsed Read 

L7l 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at Spithead 7 April 1780 
Sir 

I have receiv'd the Lords Commissioners of the Ad- 
miraltys order to keep company with Comodore Wal- 
singham and his Convoy to a certain distance, if I am 
ready to put to Sea (with the number of Ships men- 
tioned in their order of the 25 last month) when he 
sails — 

Be pleased to acquaint their Lordships that I shall be 
happy to comply with their orders, But the want of 
Stores, to complete the Ships, added to the delay occa- 
sioned from bad weather in fitting them up with Beer 
and water makes it impossible for me to fix the time of 
being ready. 

The Resolution is yet to be paid, her Books being 
sent down last Wednesday, and the Commissioner have- 
ing no day to pay her before Sunday, it will from the 
disposition of the Ships company who mutinied about 
the time they sailed last from Plymouth be impossible 
to get her to Sea before the People get their money. 

There is a disposition in my Ships company to re- 
quire Two months advance before they go to Sea. — 
But if it is not within the Rules of the Service I hope to 
be able to keep them within the bounds of their duty — 

I am persuaded were ship Courts martial to be estab- 
lished, and punishment to follow close at the heels of 

[8: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

offence, — there wou'd be a great deal of inconvenience 
prevented — 

I am Sir your most obedient 

Humble Servant 

Thos. Graves 
Phil. Stephens Esq. Admiralty. 

Endorsed ^ 8th. | Ansd. do. 

[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] ' 

London at St. Hellens 9th. April 1780 
Sir 

I have this Moment receivd .your letter of the 8th. 
April wherein you mention the very great importance 
of my sailing with Commodore Walsingham, even 
though it be with Six Ships of the Line only — Their 
Lordships will be acquainted by my letter of yesterday 
and to day of my own situation and endeavors to get the 
Ships forward, and that I shou'd have joined the Com- 
dore if the Ships of my Squadron cou'd have followed 
me — When I had made the Signal and unmoored the 
Capts. of the Shrewsbury, America and Invincible 
came to acquaint me of the mutinous state of their 
Crews — I strongly recommended to them to Arm 
their Marines & Officers, and such people as wou'd join 
them, to force their men up into daylight; (they having 
shut themselves up betwixt Decks with the Ports all 
down ;) to mark those by wounds who stood in their way 
as they proceeded from aft to the Bows opening the 
Ports as they went on — And if any man ventured to 

l9l 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Oppose by violence to put him to Death — and when they 
had got the men upon Deck, to call them by name to 
their respective stations, and by that means it wou'd be 
in their power to bring proof against the disobedient — 
And in the first instance whoever was wounded betwixt 
Decks wou'd carry evidence of his disobedience 
about him & might be brought to Trial — This method 
succeeded with the Shrewsbury & she is now at St. Hel- 
lens, And an Officer came to inform me it had with the 
America, where the Mutineers had turned two of the 
Day Guns aft & had drawn a third for priming. — The 
Resolution was in much the same state & I advised and 
directed both the Comdore and the Captain to use the 
same means — for that in my opinion mutiny was to be 
suppressed at the instant though it might cost some lives, 
and justice wou'd then take her seal with propriety 

With regard to the Stores I stated the case truely. — 
Sr. Thoms. Pye exerted every means in his power — 
The Cordage was taken off the hooks as it was made, 
the Ships in the harbor were stripped of rigging & 
boats — that every thing was done that a Commanding 
Officer cou'd do — the detail was to be carried on by the 
Captains I wrote to Sr. Thomas of the mutinous state 
of the Crews — and told the Captains they were not to 
content themselves with stateing difficulties; it was the 
province of an Officer to remove them and when they 
had failed in every exertion of their own, to acquaint 
thier Comanding officer with the point beyond which 
they cou'd not not go — he wou'd then apply the remedy 
and by such concurrence every thing wou'd advance 
and go on well. 

The Amphitrite is at this moment Ten Tons short of 
Beer, which is a great thing to a Frigate. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

I am satisfied their Lordships will thing I have done 

every thing in my power And I will sail immediately 

with the ship here and if I join the Convoy proceed on 

— otherwise stop at Plymouth. 

I am Sir your most obedt. 

Humble Servant 

Thos. Graves. 

at St. Hellens 

London ^ . . . , , 

p , 1 have received your packet to be 

c,, , opend ofif the Lizard 

Shrewsbury 

Amphitrite 

Phil. Stephens Esq. Admiralty 

Endorsed 9 Aprl. 1780 | St. Helens. | Rear Adml. 
Graves | ^ loth. at 9 A M | by Mr. Maxwell 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London in Cawsand Bay 30th. April 1780 
Sir— 

I have receiv'd your letter of the 26th. inst. accom- 
panying a large pacquet not to be opened until I get ofif 
the Lizard — and their Lordships may depend upon my 
complyance with their directions — 
I am Sir your most 

Obedient Humble Servant 
To Thos. Graves. 

Philip Stephens Esq. Admiry. — Office 

Endorsed Read 

:ii3 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY TO 
REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

By &c. 
^ Notwithstanding any former Orders, 

To put to sea • j c j • ^ j . 

without waiting Y^u are hereby required & directed to 

for Commo. Wal- put to Sea with the Squadron under 
sing am. your command with the first oppor- 

tunity of Wind & weather without waiting for Como. 
Walsingham & the Trade under his Convoy, and pro- 
ceeding down the Channel, open the sealed Pacquets 
which have been sent to you, when you are off the 
Lizard, & carry into execution with all possible dili- 
gence the Instructions you will therin find for your 
further proceedings. Given &c 13th. May 1780 

Sandwich 

J. BULLER 

H. Penton. 
Thomas Graves Esqr. 
Rear Adml. of the Blue &ca. 
Cowsand Bay. 

By &ca. P. S. 



[12I 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

Sir— 

My letter of 7th. August may not probably arrive as 
soon as this, to acquaint the Lords Commissioners of the 
Admiralty of my arrival off Sandy Hook, the 13th. July 
with the Squadron^ in pretty good health, except the 
Prudent whose people had suffer'd from feaver and 
Scurvey. 

Their Lordships several pacquets were delivered to 
Vice Admiral Arbuthnot who was within the bar. 

During our passage in Lat. 32°, 00' W. we took the 
Farges, Capt. Mugny from the Mauritius and Bourbon 
of 900 tons, bound to L'Orient old France with Tea and 
Coffee and a few other articles. The Amphitrite Frig- 
ate was left in care of her nine days before our arrival, 
to conduct her to New York, where they both arrived 
soon after. 

I prefer'd the Southern passage, which cost us eight 
weeks to preform the voyage and I am inclined to be- 
leive the good weather we met with contributed greatly 
to the health of the People. In the London we experi- 
enced great benefit from the essence of wort which was 
constantly administered to the Scorbutick and effected 
a cure upon thirty of our men besides many more greatly 
recover'd in their health, in as much that we sent but 
fourteen to the Hospital. 

The slow effects of medicinal opperations cannot be 
expected to influence Seamen to receive the Wort in 
exchange for Spirits, when experience teaches us that 

^ London, 98; Resolution, 74; Bedford, 74; Royal Oak, 74; Pru- 
dent, 64; America, 64; Amphitrite, 24. 

[13] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

they will run every kind of risque to get at Spirituous 
liquors. Wine is found to be as great an antiscorbutick 
as most, and certainly accelerates the cure — therefore 
to retrench the seamen from the use of it whilest under 
a course of wort wou'd be to co-operate rather with the 
disease I would thence wish to recommend the use of 
Wort as a Medecine, to be administered under the 
judgement and discretion of the Surgeon which is the 
method followed in the London and from its con- 
tinued success will, I hope meet with their Lordships 
approbation. 

I have inclosed a State of the Squadron as deliver'd 
at my arrival to Adml. Arbuthnot and likewise a return 
of the promotion and removal of Officers in the Squad- 
ron from my leaving St. Hellens to the time of my ar- 
rival at the Barr of New York which I hope will meet 
with their Lordships approbation. 

I am Sir your most obedient Humble Servant 

Thos. Graves. 

London in Martha's Vineyard Sound | 24th August 
1780. 

Philip Stevens, Esq. Admiralty. 

Endorsed 24 Aug 1780 | Martha's Vineyd | R. A. 
Graves | Reed. 25 Sepr. 



On September 13, 1780, Sir George Rodney with 
twelve ships of the line unexpectedly appeared at Sandy 
Hook from the Leeward Islands and assumed com- 
mand, much to the wrath, which was not at all unnatu- 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

ral, of Arbuthnot/ The latter, who was at the time at 
Gardiner's Bay, Long Island, watching the French at 
Newport, made strong protests against Rodney's action, 
which Rodney based upon the necessity of a single con- 
trol in American and West Indian waters. Strangely 
enough, his action was upheld by the Admiralty, for he 
had a specifically defined command and his assumption 
of such, in the circumstances, over Arbuthnot was dis- 
tinct injustice to the latter. With the combined force, 
now amounting to twenty ships of the line, the French 
at Newport should have been an easy prey, but Rodney 
did nothing beyond issuing some useless orders which, 
in so far as the despatch of Graves to the West Indies 
was concerned, were not carried out, De Ternay not 
leaving Newport. On November 19 Rodney sailed 
again for the West Indies (leaving three of his ships 
with Arbuthnot), having done nothing but create ill- 
feeling, but himself better ofif by several thousand 
pounds of prize-money from a rich prize taken while 
he was at New York, which would have been Arbuth- 
not's had he not come. His action was in keeping with 
an unpleasant and overbearing character, aggravated 
too by severe attacks of gout. The following were his 
orders to Graves, whom he found at New York: 

^ Rodney's fleet at Sandy Hook was: Sandwich, 90, Sir G. Rodney, 
Admiral of the White, Captain Walter Young; Russell, 94, W. 
Drake, Rear-Admiral of the Blue, Captain B. Haswell ; Centaur, 74, 
J. N, P. Nott; Triumph, 74, Ph. Affleck; Culloden, 74, Geo. Bal- 
four; Alcide, 74, Charles Thomb ; Terrible, 74, Ja. Fergusen; 
Shrewsbury, 74, M. Robinson; Torbay, 74, J. L. Gidoin; Suffolk, 
74, Ab. Crespin; Intrepid, 64, Hen. Herney; Yarmouth, 64, J. T. 
Duckworth; Fortunee, 42, H. C. Christian; Boreas, 28, John Rod- 
ney; Greyhound, 24, Wm. Fooks. 

C15: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ADMIRAL RODNEY TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES^ ] 

By Sir G. B. Rodney Bt. Admiral of 
the White and Commander-in-Chief, 
&c. &c. 

You are hereby requir'd and directed to put Yourself 
under My Command and follow such Orders and Di- 
rections as You shall receive from Me for His Maj's 
Service, for which this shall be your Order. 

Given under My Hand on bd. His Majesty's 
ship Sandwich ofif New York 8th October 
1780. 

G. B. Rodney. 
To 

R. A. Graves 
&c. &c. &c. 

By Command of the Admiral. 
(Countersigned) Will Pagett. 

Endorsed Copy of an Order to | R. A. Graves, (dated 

8th October) | 

In Sir G. Rodney's | 12 Octo. 1780. 

1 Admiralty, In Letters (Class i), VoL 311. 



C16] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

[ADMIRAL RODNEY TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES^ ] 

By Sir George Bridges Rodney 

Secret Rear Admiral of the White and 

Commander in Chief &c &c &c 

Whereas I have directed Vice Admiral Arbuthnot in 
Case Monsr. Ternay and his Squadron should escape 
from Rhode Island to give you orders to follow him 
with the Squadron under your Command. 

You are therefore hereby required and directed to 
proceed without a Moment's loss of time and cruize 
with the Squadron under your Command to Windward 
of Martinique in such a Situation as you may jude 
most proper for the Intercepting Monsr. Ternay's 
Squadron or any other Succors going to that Island. 

You are to dispatch one of your Frigates to Bar- 
badoes and St. Lucia for Intelligence, and with Orders 
for all the Copper Bottom'd Ships to join you. 

You are to take the Command of that station till 
joined by me, which Junction you may hourly expect. 

And whereas it will be highly necessary on my Ar- 
rival at Barbadoes I should be acquainted with the 
Situation of Affairs, You are to send to that Island any 
Intelligence that you think it proper I should be ac- 
quainted with — taking care that it is never left without 
a Frigate of War. 

And whereas it is of infinite Importance the Enemy 
should make no impression whatever on the Island of 
St. Lucia, You cannot pay too great attention to the 
preservation of that Island. 

1 Admiralty, In Letters (Class i), Vol. 311. 

1:173 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

You will give such Orders and directions as you 
think most necessary not only for the protection of His 
Majesty's Islands, but likewise for the Annoyance of 
his Enemies. 

Given under my hand on board His 
Majesty's Ship Sandwich, off New 
York 8th October 1780. 

(Signed) G. B. Rodney. 

To Rear Admiral Graves 
&c &c &c 

By Command of the Admiral 
(Countersigned) Will Pagett. 

Endorsed Copy of an Order | from | Sir G. B. Rodney 
Bart. I To | Rear Admiral Graves | 8th Octr. 1780 | 7 | 
In Sir G. Rodney's | 12 Oct. 1780. 



[ REAR ADA4IRAL GRAVES TO ADMIRAL RODNEY ] 

London, at Sandy Hook, 2d July, 1781. 
Sir: 

I have the honor to forward to you by Lieutenant 
Delanoe, in the Active brig, his Excellency General 
Clinton's messenger; also my despatch, containing the 
latest intelligence here, as well as that from Europe. 
The importance of that obtained here, which was taken 
from an intercepted post, will shew you the apprehen- 
sion of a considerable force, expected from the French 
Commander in Chief in the West Indies, in concert 

C18] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

with whom M. de Barras seems to act; and will demon- 
strate how much the fate of this country must depend 
upon the early intelligence, and detachments which 
may be sent by you hither, upon the first movement of 
the enemy. 

I shall certainly keep the squadron under my com- 
mand as collected as possible, and so placed as to secure 
a retreat to New York, where our stand must be made; 
and will keep cruisers to the southward. 

The French have the addition of a fifty-four gun 
ship. We are weaker by the absence of the Royal Oak, 
now at Halifax heaving down; in lieu of which the 
Warwick has arrived sickly, and is not yet fit for ser- 
vice.^ 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

Tho. Graves 

Graves passed nearly a year as second in command 
under Arbuthnot. On July 4, 1781, the command-in- 
chief was turned over to him, as is shown by the follow- 
ing: 



[ rear admiral graves to PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London off Sandy Hook 4th July 1781. 
Sir 

Be pleased to acquaint the Lords Commissioners of 
the Admirality that I received a letter from Vice Adml. 
Arbuthnot of which the enclosed is a Copy, relinquish- 

^ Beatson, Naval and Military Memoirs of Great Britain, 1727 to 
1783, V, 257. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

ing the command of His Majestys Squadron in North 
America, into my hands this day. 

I beg leave to assure their Lordships that in Zeal and 
assiduity no person shall go beyond me, and that my 
great ambition is to merit their Lordships esteem. 

I am Sir 

Your most obedient 
Humble Serv^ant. 

Thos. Graves. 

P.S. A cartel is just arrived from the Havanah in fif- 
teen days, with the first part of the Garrison of Pensa- 
cola, the enclosed paper is all the news come to my 
hand. 

To 

Philip Stephens Esqre 
Admiralty Office 
London. 

Endorsed ^ July 1781 | Rear Adml | Graves | Red. 4th 
Augt I (2 Inclosures) 

Minute 13 Octr | Own rect 



Enclosure A 

[ VICE ADMIRAL ARBUTHNOT TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

(Copy) 

o. Bedford off Sandy Hook 4th. July 1781. 

Mr Stephens Secretary to the Admiralty having in 
his letter dated the third day of May last, signified the 

1:20] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

acquiesence of the Lords Commissioners of the Ad- 
miralty to my desire to resign the Command of the 
Squadron of his Majesty's Ships in North America, to 
any Officer immediately upon the spot, and my wish to 
return home, I enclose an Extract of the said Letter 
herewith, as also a list^ & disposition of the Said Squad- 
ron, and a Schedule of the Papers and Intelligence nec- 
essary for Your guidance in the conduct of the 
Command. 

1 therefore hereby resign the Chief Command of the 
said Squadron into your hands, and wishing you all 
imaginable success and happiness 

I have the honor to be 
Sir 
Your most Obedient 
humble Servant 

Mt.2 Arbuthnot 

Rear Admiral Graves 
&ca. &ca. &ca. 

^ The enclosures mentioned are not available. Arbuthnot's com- 
mand before Graves's arrival was the Europe, 74; Russell, 74; Ro- 
bust, 74; Defiance, 64; Adamant, 50. There were in addition five 
44's, seven 32's, four 28's, six 20's and eleven sloops of 14 to 18 
guns, three armed ships of 20, a bomb-ketch of 8, and a fire-ship of 8 
guns. This force, except the five ships of the line kept at New York 
as a base, was distributed from Massachusetts to the Carolinas. 

2 Marriot Arbuthnot. 



L211 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure B 

[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO VICE ADMIRAL ARBUTHNOT ] 

Duplicate. 

Admiralty Office 26th June 178 1 — 
Sir,— 

My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty having 
taken into their consideration your letters, acquainting 
them with your having superceded some of the appoint- 
ments made by Admiral Sir George Brydges Rodney 
while he was in North America, and of your intention 
to supercede the rest of such appointments from time to 
to time, as the Ships to which the officers who had been 
so appointed, should join you: I am commanded by 
their Lordships to acquaint you that Sir George 
Brydges Rodney having found it necessary for His 
Majesty's Service to proceed with a part of his Squad- 
ron from the Leeward Islands to North America, and 
to take you and His Majesty's Ships employed in those 
Seas under his command, had a right to fill up all 
vacancies that happened in any of the Ships in those 
Seas during his continuance there; that their Lordships 
have therefore thought fit to confirm the commissions 
given by him to Captains Douglas & Laugharne 
(whom you have superceded) and will confirm such 
other commissions, and also such warrants as were 
granted by him upon regular vacancies, while he com- 
manded in North America when laid before them for 
that purpose; that their Lordships will direct Captain 
Douglas and Laugharne, and likewise such other of- 
ficers as may come to England under similar circum- 

[22] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Stances, to return to North America to resume their 
commands or employments. And it is their Lordships 
direction you cause them to be reinstated on their ar- 
rival, as the commissions and warrants, you may have 
given to dispossess them of such commands or employ- 
ments, cannot be confirmed. 

I have the honor to be 
Sir 

Your most Obedient 
Humble Servant 
(Sign'd) Phil. Stephens — 

Vice Admiral Arbuthnot. 
(Copy) 

T. Graves. 



Enclosure C 

London off Sandy Hook 4th July 1781 
Intelligence 
The Angel de Guarda in 15 days from the Ha- 
vannah, with Major McDonald and 87 of the Officers 
and Garrison of Pensacola, consisting of Eleven hun- 
dred and thirteen Men under the command of Genl. 
Campbell which surrendered on the loth May last, 
after a seige of Nine Weeks. The enemy had before 
the place 23,000 Men and eleven Spanish and four 
French sail of the line, with four Frigates Commanded 
by Adml. De Solano and General De Galvez. — 

[23] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

It was said at the Havannah that the four sail of the 
French line & one Frigate were about to sail for North 
America. — 

Endorsed Intelligence 



On July 19, 1781, despatches dated May 22 reached 
New York advising of "large supplies of money, cloath- 
ing and military stores, which young Laurens was pre- 
paring to send for the use of the rebel army in North 
America. They stated that he would in all probability 
sail from France before the end of June, with a num- 
ber of merchantmen, under the convoy of one ship of 
the line, another armed en flute, and two stout frigates: 
that there was every reason to believe that this was one 
of the most important supplies which the French had 
ever sent to the rebels; and that it was considered by 
themselves as furnishing them with the only possible 
means of carrying on the war." The Lords of the Ad- 
miralty also gave their directions to the Admiral to 
cause a good lookout to be kept for these ships, but left 
to his judgment the course to be taken for intercept- 
ing them.^ 

This despatch was one of the "providences" for the 
American cause. Graves sailed from Sandy Hook on 
July 21, bound to the eastward, and did not return until 
August 16. Meanwhile the Swallow, bearing Rodney's 
despatch giving information of the reinforcement to be 
sent north, reached New York. She was sent east to 
look for Graves (a copy of Rodney's despatch being 

^ Beatson, V, 258. The despatch itself does not appear among the 
Graves papers. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

retained at New York) . Her captain, with more cour- 
age than discretion, chased and took a privateer, but the 
tables were almost at once turned by the appearance of 
three privateers w^hich drove him ashore on Long 
Island, where the ship became a wreck. Graves thus 
knew nothing of Rodney's information until his return, 
having accomplished nothing. That his move, though 
directed and expected by the Admiralty, was ill-advised 
and ill-judged is shown by the care taken by Graves 
himself to be kept informed. It is clear that he ex- 
pected reinforcement in any case from the West Indies. 
He stationed a lookout frigate from Navesink to Cape 
May; three ofif the Delaware; three frigates and two 
sloops in the Chesapeake, and three coppered ships were 
ordered to Charleston to cruise alternately "and to look 
out for the enemy then expected." 

The destination of the apprehended French fleet was 
entirely unknown. It was thought much more likely 
to go to Newport and reinforce Barras, who was there 
with eight ships of the line, than to the Chesapeake. No 
apprehensions seemed to exist as to the safety of Corn- 
wallis, Clinton being firmly convinced that the allies 
meant to attack New York. In this he was supported 
by intercepted despatches of such tenor, and by the 
movements of the allies. But the main fault, strategi- 
cally, of Graves's easterly movement was that it left 
New York wholly unprotected. Had De Grasse ar- 
ranged to come a fortnight earlier and to go to New 
York instead of to the Chesapeake, and had he arrived 
at New York before August i6, he would have been 
able to sail into New York Bay with as little resistance 
as on August 30 at the Chesapeake. Such are the 
chances of war. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London ofif Sandy Hook 20th July 178 1. 
Sir: 

By the Roebuck I had the honour to acquaint the 
Lords Commissioners of the Adm'ty that Vice Admiral 
Arbuthnot had proceeded for England in that Ship, 
and left the command of the Squadron in this Country 
to me. 

I can add very little to the information carried by the 
Vice Admiral, other than, that the Adamant so long 
missing is returned, after having been upon the extent 
of all the various rendezvous, owing to their not observ- 
ing a particular signal for the rendezvous off Sandy 
Hook. 

The Amphitrite returned from Boston bay on the 8th 
inst. having lost a Mizen mast and Main topsail and 
brought with her one prize. The General Monk^ from 
the same place, arrived on the 12th with three prizes, 
by whom we learn that the Assurance was gone for 
Halifax, with the loss of a Mizen mast, and Main mast 
sprung. 

The Pearl and Iris" are returned from a long cruize 
off Bermuda with only two prizes, one of them a 
French Xebeck from Cape Francois which I hope will 
enable us to accomplish an exchange for most of the 

1 A captured American privateer, General Washington, of 18 guns. 
She was taken in Delaware Bay, April 8, 1782, by the Hyder Ally of 
like force, Captain Joshua Barney, after a brilliant action. 

2 This was the Continental frigate Hancock, 34, Captain Manley, 
captured July 7, 1777, by the Rainbow, 44, Commodore Collin. She 
was recaptured by De Grasse's fleet on August 11, 1781. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Mentor's Ships company taken at Pensacola; the Port 
Royals is nearly effected, except for the Commission 
Officers, who will go to Europe by the first opportunity. 
The inclosed letter from Capt Deans to Vice Admiral 
Arbuthnot will show his situation. I refer their Lord- 
ships to Captain Kelly for the terms of Capitulation. 

The assembling of an Army upon the White Plains: 
— the attempt of the Enemy upon Lloyds Neck in the 
Sound, and the operations in the Chesapeake will come 
more correct and with greater propriety from head 
quarters. — 

The Squadron has been kept constantly before the 
Hook to second any Army Operations which the Gen- 
eral had to suggest; it will not be prudent to keep them 
much longer in so exposed a situation, as the time ap- 
proaches which will make it necessary to attend to the 
appearance of Squadrons which the Hurricane Season 
may occasion to depart from the West Indies. I shall 
put them into safety the moment the Army detachments 
have done moving upon the Coast. 

I beg leave to call their Lordships attention to the 
Agent Victuallers of the state of Provisions on the 5th 
inst. of which the inclosed is a copy and I will send a 
similar one to the Commissioners for Victualling His 
Majesty's Navy. 

The state of stores at the Yard seems very low; of 
Slops ^ a slender quantity, and of Marine clothing none. 
As the winter approaches those deficiencies will be most 
severely felt — whatever is purchased in this Country 
is at immense expense. But of all other wants, the want 
of Provisions is the least to be contended with. 

Yesterday arrived here His Majesty's Sloop Hornet 

^ In nautical language, clothes, etc., drawn from the paymaster. 

[27] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

with their Lordships intelligence and dispatches of the 
22nd May, which I shall pay every possible attention to. 
I am, Sir, 

Your most Obedient humble Servant, 

Thos. Graves. 

Endorsed 20 July 1781 | Sandy Hook | Rear Adml. 
Graves | Red. 10 Sepr. | (2 Inclosures) 

Minute 24 Sepr. Send Ext [thus | much] to Mr. Knox | 
for Ld. G. G. information | Own rect. | let him know 
it I let him also know | that a Supply of 6 Mo., | Provns. 
for 12,000 Men sailed | under Convoy of the Centaur | 
on the 5 July; that a like Supply is now embarked & 
will probably sail for | Spithd. in the Course of this 
Mo., I & that their Ldps have | orderd a further Supply 
of 4 Mo. Provns. for the | above-mnd. number of Men | 
to be shipped & dispatched | to No. America without | 
any delay. 



Enclosure A 

[ CAPTAIN DEANS TO VICE ADMIRAL ARBUTHNOT ] 

Pensacola the ist. of June 1781. 
Sir: 

After being embarkd., in Flags of Truce with the 
remains of the Crews of His Majestys Ship Mentor, and 
Port Royal Sloop agreable to the Capitulation at the 
Surrender of the Province of West Florida the loth of 

1:28: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

May 178 1 ^ I am orderd. to remain here, or to be carried 
I dont know where, no reason being given other than 
the disputes between the Spanish General Galvez and 
Major Gen'l Campbell. I send this to acquaint you 
that the Flag of Truce brings to your command Two 
Hundred and Ten effective Men, besides Officers un- 
der the direction of Capt. Kelly of the Port Royal Sloop 
and Lieut. Miller of the late Mentor both these Gentle- 
men are furnished with a copy of the articles of the 
capitulation and to them I beg leave to refer you. I 
have the Honor to be with the greatest respect Sir 
Your most Obedient and most Humble Servant 

RoBT. Deans Capt. of the 
Royl. Navy 
To Vice Admiral Arbuthnot 
or the Commander in Chief of 
His Majestys Ships & Vessells &ca. &ca. 

North America 

Endorsed Captain Deans letter In R.A. Grave's Lre 
of 26 July 1781^ 

Endorsed on first page Reed. 24 Sepr. | Orgl. dated 
I the 20th reed. & Ansd. 

^ In the peace of 1763, the two provinces, East and West Florida, 
now constituting the State of Florida, had been ceded to Great Brit- 
ain in exchange for Havana, captured by the British in 1762. A large 
body of Colonials arrived in the expedition. The Floridas were 
retroceded to Spain as the result of this surrender. 

2 Letter dated "26 July" does not appear in transcripts: it was evi- 
dently a duplicate of that of the 20th, mentioned in the endorsement. 



C29] 



Enclosure B 

Account of Provisions and Victualing Stores Remaining on I 
Fleet employed in North America, under the '3 



Bread 


Rum 

in 

Gallons 


Beef in pieces 
of 


Pork in pieces 
of 


Pounds of ]l 
il 


in 
Pounds 


4 lbs. 


8 lbs. 


2 lbs. 


4 lbs. 


Flour 


Currants 




128,800 
< Purchas 


4,000 
ed I 


29,900 
\ From 


theComm 


41,756 
issary Ge 


neral > 


83,000 
Purchas 


9,640 

ed 


6 



The above Provisions w^ill serve Ten Thil 



Bread 


Rum 


Beef 


Pork 


1 

Flour, Currants and Raisij 

as Beef 1 

i 


Days 


Weel 


12 


6 


3 


4 


4 



Cso] 



y Victuallers off New York, for the Service of his Majestys 
of Rear Adml. Graves the 5th. July 1781. 



'ease 


Oatmeal 


Butter 

in 
pounds 


Vinegr. 

in 
Galls. 


Sour 
Krout 
Barrls. 


Coals 

in 

Chalds. 




s. 


Gall. 


Bushs. 


Gall. 


Candles 


2 


(( 


6,498 


li 


22,500 

Purchased 


1,746 


240 


3 


i( 



t whole allowance as under. 



Pease 


Oatmeal 


Butter 


Vinegar, Sour Krout and Coals 
as above 






13 


18 


-3 





(A Copy) Heny. Davies. 



Endorsed A Copy of the Agent Victuallers | Return of 
Provisions remaining | in his Majestys Navy Victualling | 
Transports off New York the 5th. | of July 1 78 1 . | In R. A. 
Graves's Lre | of 26 July, 1781. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at Sandy Hook 20th August 1781. 
Sir 

My last dispatch acquainted the Lords Commission- 
ers of the Admiralty of the arrival of the Hornet Sloop, 
after eight weeks passage from England. 

Immediatly on the 21st of July I proceeded with the 
Squadron into Boston Bay, to be in the way of inter- 
cepting the Supplies from France to North America. 
The intence fog which prevailed without intermission 
as we approached St. Georges Bank, deprived us of all 
possibility of seeing, and soon convinced me how much 
the Squadron wou'd be exposed to accidents, and that 
the Fog Guns necessary to keep the Ships from sepa- 
ration wou'd give notice of our Situation. I there- 
fore after having made Cape Ann, determind to with- 
draw, and we return'd to Sandy Hook the i8th of 
August, we retook a Brig being one of the Convoy from 
England, bound to Halifax, and burnt three small Ves- 
sels of little consequence. 

The Royal Oak from Halifax joined the Squadron 
parted again in the Fog, and has since returnd to this 
place. She had taken soon after leaving Halifax, the 
Aurora Boston Privateer carrying 18 Guns and 120 
Men. 

The Cruizers before the Delawar have been more 
succesful, by taking the Bellisarius and Trumble,^ the 

1 The Trumbull, built at Middletown, Connecticut. She was on 
her first cruise, had but just got to sea, and, dismasted in a gale, was 
met b.v the Iris and General Monk, both captured American ships. 

[32] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

first of 22 Guns 150 Men, the latter of 32 Guns 190 
Men, and two small Vessels of a Convoy which were in 
motion for the West Indies, and had been forced to 
push back into the Delawar, by the Vigilance of the 
Medea and Amphitrite. The York Privateers have 
been succesful in taking more of the Convoy. 

The Swift Brigantine 14 Guns and 60 Men on board, 
Richard Graves Commander, with dispatches from the 
Cheasapeke provd so leaky, that in order to bail at the 
Hatchways, they had taken their Lumber and Stores 
upon Deck, in so distresful a situation they found them- 
selves attacked by the Holker Privateer carrying 18 
Guns and full of Men; it was impossible to stand a 
Cannonade, they therefore with great spirit boarded the 
Enemy twice, but the Privateer having greatly the 
advantage in sailing, disentangled and made away, 
leaving their Enemy to pump and bail or drown, for- 
tunately she arrived, and was hauled on shore, she had 
two Men killed and two wounded. 

The Swallow Sloop Captn. Wills with dispatches 
from Sr. George Rodney, being sent after the Squadron 
into Boston Bay, on her return with a Privateer Brig of 
14 Guns her Prize in Company, was attacked the i6th 
Instant, by four Rebel Privateers, and pushed on Shore 
upon Long Island 1 1 Leagues to the Eastward of this, 
Captain Wills burnt his Prize, but could not get all his 
People on Shore in time to burn the Swallow. The 
Privateers pillaged her, if she is not bulged, we shall 
endeavor to get her off, otherwise we shall set the wreck 
on fire. The dispatches were destroyed which has pre- 
vented my inclosing the Plan of Old Point Comfort. 

The inclosed copies of Letters from Captain Hudson 
marked A & B. will show their Lordships the state of 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Operations in the Cheasepeke, and at the same time 
shew that one of my first attentions, was to secure the 
best Naval Post in the Cheasepeke, as a place of retreat 
during the Freezing Months for the Squadron, and at 
the same time to shut the Door against the Enemys 
Fleet. 

The Robust is become so leaky, there is great reason 
to apprehend that she must be hove down, to enable 
her return to England. — The Europe is coming fast 
into the same Condition, and I hope their Lordships 
will see the necessity of relieving them as soon as pos- 
sible. The wooden Bottoms in the Cheasepeke, and at 
Carolina are eat up presently, there is nothing resists 
the worm, but Copper. 

The small Men of War upon the out posts here, are 
so preforated by the Worm, we find a necessity of haul- 
ing them frequently on shore to prevent their sinking, 
this will oblige me to keep every thing upon Copper in 
the Country, and to send home as Convoys all the 
Wooden Bottoms, as well as the purchased Frigates, ex- 
cept a few of the most active, which may be employed 
in places where they may be taken on Shore upon the 
Tide and kept clean. 

The Amphion, Britania and Ostrich and their Con- 
voy^ arrived safe, from Bremer Lee the nth instant, 
after 93 days passage, they had lost only 65 People, and 
landed in good order. 

The detachment of Troops with General Ried[e]sel 
for Quebeck sailed the 27th of July under Convoy of the 
Warwick, and Garland, and in their way were to take 
up the Victualers from Halifax, which happened very 

^ Carrying part of the 29,867 troops hired in Germany and sent 
during the war to America. 

1:343 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Opportunely, as Governor Haldiman had been very 
Solicitous to get them. 

The inclosure, Letter C, is a Copy of Sr, G. Rodney 
Intelligence.^ 

Inclosed are the Duplicates of my last dispatch, by 
which their Lordships will perceive the state of our 
Provisions to be very low at present. 

Also a List of Captures so far as are come to my 
knowlege, since the departure of the Vice Admiral. 
These dispatches will go by the Cartwright Packet. 
Inclosed you w^ill receive the State and Condition of 
the Squadron [not available]. 
I am Sir 

your most obedient and 
most humble Servant 

Thos. Graves. 

P.S. Captain Thompson of His Majestys Sloop the 
Beaumont, being in the last stage of Consumption, has 
my permission to return to England in the Packet. A 
change of Air being the only chance left to save his 
Life. 

T. G. 
Philip Stephens Esqre: 

Endorsed 20 Augt. 1781 | Sandy Hook | Rear Adml. 
Graves | ^ 24 Sepr. by the | Carteret Packet | (5 In- 
closures) 

Minute 13 Octo | Own rect & congratulate him | on the 
Success of I his Cruizers. 



[35: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Enclosure A 
[ CAPTAIN HUDSON TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

Richmond in Hampton road 27th July 178 1. 

Sir— 

I have had the honor of your order of the 12th inst. 
and every attention in my power shall be paid thereto. 
Earl Cornwallis as well as myself and other people are 
of opinion that Old Point Comfort is not a place equal 
to erect a Post at, or near it, for the protection of any 
of his Majesty's ships that may occasionally come here 
against an enemy of superior force. I herewith enclose 
you a plan of the above place taken by the Engineers 
which coincides with our opinion by which you will see 
it is not tenable and in consequence thereof the Earl as 
well as myself has come to a resolution to remove the 
troops that are now at Portsmouth and its vicinity to 
York and Gloucester river, where we apprehend a bet- 
ter Port can be established for the protection of the 
King's troops. This manoeuvre of course prevents 
Lord Cornwallis from sending any troops at present to 
York, and my forwarding the Charon and Loyalist to 
you, as every ship here will be necessary to assist and 
Co-operate with them on this service, which I hope you 
will approve of ; and as soon as it is over I shall not only 
detach the ships that you directed to be returned to you 
but likewise keep a fast sailing vessel without the capes 
to give the earliest intelligence of an enemy's approach 

[36] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

on this coast, and as soon as possible put the Richmonds 
orders into execution. 

I have the honor to be 
Sir 
Your most Obedient and very 
faithful humble servant 

Charles Hudson. 
Rear Admiral Graves 
(Copy) 

T. Graves 

Endorsed Copy of a letter from | Captain Hudson of 
His Majesty's Ship Richmond | 27th July 1781 | A | 
In R. A. Graves | 20 Aug. 1781. 



Enclosure B 

[ EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM CAPTAIN HUDSON ] 

Richmond York river the 12th Augt. 1781. 
Sir— 

We sailed from Hampton road the 30 July with the 
Charon, Guadaloupe, Bonetta, Swift and Loyalist, and 
all the transports and as many troops as they could 
carry, in the whole about 4500 men. The Fowey and 
Vulcan I left for the protection of those that remained 
at Portsmouth. 

We arrived here on the 2nd instant and the troops 
were immediately landed at York and Gloucester, and 
the Guadaloupe, Swift and Loyalist with the transports, 
returned to Portsmouth for the total evacuation thereof. 

lZ7l 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

The Army having brought very little artillery with 
them by the first embarkation, the Earl requested that I 
w^ould order guns on shore to Gloucester from the ship 
and the Charon (the only two now here) which I com- 
plied with, and that side is now tolerably well fortified. 

Captain Robinson who I have a regular communica- 
tion with by whale boats informs me that it will take 
ten days now to destroy the w^orks at, and effectually to 
evacuate, Portsmouth. As soon as they arrive here I shall 
agreeable to your order dispatch the Charon and such 
Convoy and transports with troops as my Lord Corn- 
wallis may think proper to send to New York, and as it 
will be absolutely necessary for the good of the King's 
service, that the Loyalist should remain in this bay, I 
have taken upon me to detain her here which I hope 
you will approve of, and I shall with this ship see the 
Charon and her convoy as far as the Delawar, where 
no exertions of mine shall be wanting to put the Rich- 
mond's orders into effectual execution. 

The Bonetta I have stationed between the Horshoe 
and Lynnehaven bay to inform such friends as may 
come in, of the army's present situation, and prevent 
their going to Hampton road. 

I have the honor to be, etc. 

Charles Hudson. 
Rear Admiral Graves. 
Copy 

T. Graves. 

Endorsed Extract of a letter from | Captain Hudson of 
His I Majesty's ship Richmond \ 12th Augt. 1781. | B | 
In R. A. Graves ! 20 Aug. 1781. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure C 

[ copy OF THE INTELLIGENCE FROM SR. GEO. B. RODNEY ] 

o- Sandwich, Barbados 7th July 1781. 

As the Enemy has at this time a fleet of 28 Sail of the 
Line at Martinique, a part of which is reported to be 
destined for North America, I have dispatched his 
Majesty's Sloop Swallow to acquaint you therewith, 
and inform You that I shall keep as good a look out as 
possible on their motions, by which my own shall be 
regulated. 

In case of my sending a Squadron to America I shall 
order it to make the Capes of Virginia, and proceed 
along the coast to the Capes of the Delaware, and from 
thence to Sandy Hook, unless the intelligence it may 
receive from you should induce it to act otherwise.^ 

The Enemy's Squadron destined for America will 
sail I am informed in a short time, but whether they 
call at Cape Frangois, I cannot learn : however, you 
may depend upon the Squadron in America being re- 
inforced, should the Enemy bend their forces that way. 
I have the honor to be &c &c &c 

r> G B Rodney. 

Copy 

T Graves 

^ The copy of Rodney's letter forwarded by Graves omitted after 
the second paragraph the following (in Beatson, V, 261) : "You will 
please to order Cruizers to look out for it, off the first mentioned 
Capes, giving orders to hoist a Dutch Ensign reversed at the fore-top- 
gallant-mast-head and an English Jack at the mizen-top-mast-head, 
and firing two guns, which will be answered by a Blue Flag pierced 
White at the main-top-gallant-mast-head, and three guns." 

1:393 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Endorsed Copy of the Intelligence | from Sr Geo. B. 
Rodney | 7'th. July 1781 | C | In R A Graves's | 20 
Aug 1 78 1. 



[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES^ ] 

25th Sepr. 1781 
Sir 

I received on the loth inst. and immediately com- 
municated to my Lords Commsrs. of the Admty your 
Letter of the 20th of July acquainting them with the 
occurrences of the Squadron under your Command 
since the Departure of Vice Admiral Arbuthnot, and 
enclosing a Letter from Captn. Deans late of the Men- 
tor which was captured at Pensacola, received by the 
Flag of Truce which brought the Crews of that Ship 
and the Port Royal Sloop, giving an account of his 
Detention at that Place; And I am to inform you that 
my Lords have sent an Extract of so much of your Let- 
ter as relates to that Subject and a Copy of Capt. Dean's 
to Lord George Germain for his Information. 

In answer to your observation of the State of Pro- 
visions for the Squadron; I am to acquaint you that a 
supply of Six Months Provisions for 12000 Men sailed 
under Convoy of the Centurion on the 5th of July, that 
a like supply is now embarked and will probably sail 
from Spithead in the course of this Month; and that 
their Lordships have ordered a farther Supply of four 
Months Provisions for the above-mentioned Number 
1 Admiralty 2, 573, p. 151. 

C40] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

of Men to be shipped, and dispatched to North Amer- 
ica without any delay. I am | &c 

P. S. 
Rear Admiral Graves, New York | By the Pacquet 
same day 

Duplicate By the Pacquet 6th Octr. 178 1. 



un 



Enclosure D 



A list of prizes taken by his Majesty's Shi 
August 1 78 1 — so far ^ 



By what ship 


When 
taken 


Name of th 


2 


To what 

nation 
belonging 


1 

1 

Sort of Ve:;| 


taken 


Vessel 


Master 


Pearl & Iris 


6" July 


Betsey 


- 


.... 


America 


Ship 


General Monk 


6 " 


Columbia 






Do. 


Ship priv. 






Do. 


7 " 


Swallow 1 
a recapture j 


- 


.... 


England 


Brig , 


Do. 


7 " 


Recovery 


- 


.... 


America 


Schooner \ 


Charles town 


7 " 


Hero 






Do. 


Brig Private(5 






Do. 


8 " 


Swift 


- 


.... 


Do. 


Schooner Pr:] 


Orpheus 


8 " 


Tristm. Shandy 


J no. Brice 


Do. 


Ship j 


Pearl & Iris 


10 " 


Le Tinge 


- 


.... 


France 


Xebec i 


Royal Oak 




Aurora 


- 


.... 


America 


Ship Privateei 


Orpheus 


24 " 


Polly ( 
a recapture \ 


N. 


Craddock 


New York 


Ship 1 


Medea 


30 " 


Neptune 


T. 


Seymour 


America 


Schooner 


Squadron 


2 Augt. 








England 


Brig j 








Medea 


4 " 


Belisarius 


M 


Dnro 


America 


Ship Privatee 


Genl. Monk 


4 " 


Mercury 






Do. 


Sloop Private 






Do 


8 " 


Liberty 






Do. 


Schooner 








Do 


8 " 


Experiment 






Do. 


Brig j 








Iris 


9 " 


Trumbull 


Jas. Nicholson 


Do. 


Rebel Frigate, 


Orpheus 


14 " 










Brig 










Do 


16 " 
6th " 












Solebay 
Medea 








Do 1 


13 " 


Maryanne 


C. 


Whipple 


Do. 


Brig Privatee 


Solebay 


15 " 


Amiable Elizh. 


- 


.... 


France 


Lugger , 


Royal Oak 
Genl. Monk 


15 " 
1 4 Augt. 










Sloop 
Do. 


Magdalen 


- 


.... 


Do. 



C42] 



London at Sandy Hook the 20th August 1781. 



h America between the 6 July and 20th 
mnts have been reed. 



H whence 


Where bound 


Lading 


Number of 


In what 


Tons 


Men 


Guns 


Port arrived 


lelphia 


Hispaniola 


Ballast 




39 


9 


New York 


e 


Boston 


Bale Goods 




50 


16 


Do. 


)n 


New York 


Do. 


100 


13 


6 


Do. 


larolina 


New Providence 


Salt & rum 


40 


7 




Penobscot 


1 


On a cruize 






41 


14 


Halifax 


■0. 


Do. 








2-6 Prs 
10 Swivels 


destroyed 


rief 


Philidelphia 


Wine and Salt 




12 


6 


New York 


Francois 


Marseilles 


Dry Goods 




120 


15 


Do. 


tn 


On a cruize 






120 


18 


Do. 


York 


Tortola 


Ballast 




8 


2 


Do. 


homas 


Philidelphia 


Salt & dry goods 


70 


12 


2 


Do. 


md 


Halifax 


Provisions 


200 


8 




Do. 


'n 


On a cruize 




500 


150 


20 


Do. 


^London 


Do. 




70 


32 


10 


Do. 


delphia 


Cape Francois 


Provisions 


60 


12 


4 


Do. 


0. 


Tenerief 


Flour 


60 


10 


I 


Do. 


'0. 


Rhode Island 


Flour & bread 




190 


32 


Do. 
Do 














Do 


on 
dence 


On a cruize 
Do. 






30 
47 


10 


Do. 




87 


12 


Do. 


lent 


Philadelphia 


Silks, &ca. 


140 


40 


10 


Do. 


in 


Rhode Island 


Tobacco 




12 


6 


Do. 


town 


Fish kill 


Bread & cloth 


60 


9 







T. Graves. 



[433 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO REAR ADMIR.AL GRAVES^ ] 

^. 22d Tune 1781. 

Sir: -' ' 

His Majesty having signified His Pleasure that Rear 
Admiral Digby shall be appointed to Command His 
Majesty's Ships and Vessels employed in North Amer- 
ica; I have it in command from my Lords Comm'rs of 
the Admty to acquaint you therewith. And their Lord- 
ships think it necessary I should likewise inform you 
that the Squadron on the Jamaica Station having been 
very much diminished from the efifects of the late Hur- 
ricane, it is very probable you will receive Orders to 
proceed in the London to reinforce the said Squadron. 

I am, &c. p c. 

Rear Adm'l Graves, New York, By the Centaurion. 
Duplicate By the Prince George 7th July 178 1. 

The following documents include transcripts of all 
the orders given by Rodney respecting the reinforce- 
ment of the British forces on the American coast. 

[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO CAPTAIN WELLS OF 
THE SWALLOW" ] 

By Sir George Brydges Rodney, Bart. &c. &c. &c. 

You are hereby required and directed to proceed with 
his Majesty's Sloop under your command to New- York 

^ Admiralty 2, 572, p. 46. 

2 Letters from Lord Rodnev. London, Printed by A. Grant, No. 
91 Wardour Street, Soho. MDCC LXXXIX. 

U4] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

without one Moment's loss of Time, and deliver the 
accompanying letter to the Commanding Officer of his 
Majesty's Ships at that Place. If before you arrive at 
Sandy-Hook you fall in with any of his Majesty's Frig- 
ates stationed to the Southward, you will give the Cap- 
tain of such Frigate the sealed note you receive with 
this Order. 

Given, &c.. Sandwich, Barbadoes, 7th July, 1781. 

G. B. Rodney. 
To 

Captain Wells of his 

Majesty's Sloop Swallow 



[ THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY 
TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES^ ] 

By &ca. 

To proceed in the Whereas We think fit that you 

London to Jamaica, shall proceed in His Majesty's Ship 
& to be under the the London to Jamaica in order to 
Command of Vice reinforce the Squadron of His Maj- 
Adml. Parker. , 01 • 1 c^ ■ 1 • 1 

esty s bhips on that btation, which 

has been very much diminished from the effects of the 
late Hurricane; you are hereby required and directed 
to proceed thither accordingly as soon after the receipt 
hereof as you possibly can; and, upon your arrival, to 
deliver the Pacquet you will receive herewith to Vice 
Admiral Sir Peter Parker, or the Commanding Officer 
of the said Squadron for the time being, and, putting 
1 Admiralty 2, in, p. 139. 

n45] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

yourself under the Command of the said Vice Admiral, 
or such Commanding Officer (if Senior to yourself) 
follow his Orders for your further Proceedings. 

In case Vice Admiral Arbuthnot shall have left the 
Coast of North America, on his return to England, and 
you shall, in consequence thereof, have succeeded to the 
Command of the Squadron of His Majesty's Ships on 
that Coast; you are hereby further required and di- 
rected to deliver to Rear Admiral Digby, who is ap- 
pointed Commander-in-Chief of the said Squadron, 
and by whom you will receive this, attested Copies of 
all unexecuted Orders which may have been left in 
your hands by Vice Admiral Arbuthnot, and at the 
same time to furnish the said Rear Admiral with Copies 
of all Intelligence which you may have received, and 
with all particulars relative to the State and Disposition 
of the Squadron, which you may judge proper for his 
knowledge. 

Given &c. 9th July 1781. SANDWICH 

B. Gascoyne. 
Thomas Graves, Esq'r. F. Greville 

Rear Admiral of the Red &c. 
North America. 
ByVc. P.S. 



[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO REAR ADMIRAL HOOD ] 

By Sir George Brydges Rodney, Bart. &c. &c. &c. 

Whereas I have received intelligence that a very 
considerable Squadron of the Enemy's Line of Battle 

1:463 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Ships are intended to reinforce the French Squadron 
in America, and it being absolutely necessary that a 
Squadron of his Majesty's Ships should reinforce his 
American Squadron: 

You are hereby required and directed to proceed 
without Loss of Time with the Ships named in the Mar- 
gin,^ to the Road of St. John's, Antigua, where you are 
to use every Endeavour to compleat them with all pos- 
sible Dispatch, with Masts, Cordage, and Sails for a 
foreign Voyage, and as much spare Cordage as the 
Ships can stand without Inconvenience. 

Given, &c. 9th July, 178 1. 
rp^ G. B. Rodney. 

Sir Samuel Hood, Bart., &c. &c. &c. 



[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO REAR ADMIRAL HOOD ] 
By Sir George Brydges Rodney, Bart., &c. &c. &c. 

Whereas the great Force the Enemy has to Leeward 
makes it necessary as much as possible, to secure the 
valuable outward bound Convoy for Jamaica, and the 
Addition of such of his Majesty's Ships as can be sent 
to North America, will in all Probability be wanted 
there for the furthering of his Majesty's Service and 
counteracting the Schemes of his rebellious Subjects: 
In order as far as possible to answer both those desirable 
Ends, 

^ Alfred, Alcide, Invincible, Barfleur, Monarch, P[rince] Wil- 
liam, Resolution, St. Monica. 

1:473 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

You are hereby required and directed, as soon as ever 
the said Convoy shall arrive with the two Ships I have 
directed you to send for, and protect them in their Pas- 
sage from St. Lucia to St. Eustatius and St. Kitt's, to 
proceed with the Line of Battle Ships and Frigates 
named in the margin^ taking whatever Trade, Trans- 
ports, Victuallers, or Storeships, shall be then ready at 
either of these Islands, and see them safely toward 
Jamaica, as far as Cape Tiberoon; which having done, 
you are to direct the Senior Officer of the Ships you may 
leave to go quite through with the Convoy, to proceed 
to Port Royal Harbour, Jamaica, with the Trade bound 
there, and to the South Side, having at a proper time 
detached the Hydra or Ranger armed Ship, to see them 
to their respective Ports on the North Side of that 
Island. 

Having seen the said Convoy in Safety as above, you 
are to make the best of your Way towards the Coast of 
North America with the Remainder of the Line of 
Battle Ships, together with the Saint Amonica, Nymph, 
Fortunee, and Pegasus Frigates, which you are to em- 
ploy in such Manner, should you be Senior Officer on 
that Station (or until you come under the Command 
of such) as shall seem to you most conducive to his 
Majesty's Service, by supporting his Majesty's liege 
Subjects and annoying his rebellious ones, and in Coun- 
teracting such Schemes as it may be reasonable to con- 
clude are formed for the Junction of the French Fleet 
from Cape Francois with that already there, or with the 

^ Barfleur, Alfred, Invincible, Monarch, Torbay, Alcide, Intrepid, 
Resolution, Centaur, Shrewsbury, Belliqueux, Pr. William, Mon- 
tague, Terrible, Sandwich, Ranger, A. S., Nymph, St. Amonica, For- 
tunee, Pegasus, Hydra, Sandwich, A. S. 

:48] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Forces of the Rebels in America. Having lately sent 
an Express to Admiral Arbuthnot or the commanding 
Officer on that Station by the Swallow, that the ships 
I might either bring or send from hence would en- 
deavour first to make the Capes of the Chesapeak, then 
those of the Delawar, and so on to Sandy Hook, unless 
Intelligence received from his Cruizers (whom I de- 
sired might be looking out ofif the first Capes or Else- 
where) should induce a contrary Conduct; I think it 
necessary to acquaint you therewith, and to direct your 
sailing in Conformity thereto, unless Circumstances you 
may become acquainted with as you range along the 
Coast, should render it improper; which Service, al- 
though not only your general Experience and Skill as 
an Officer, but your particular knowledge of that 
Station, I make no Doubt will enable you with Repu- 
tation and Effect to perform. Having employed the 
several Ships and Vessels there during the Hurricane 
Months, you are to return with them immediately after 
the first full Moon in October to this Station, for the 
better protection of the Trade and Possessions of his 
Majesty's Subjects in these Seas; for which this shall 
be your Order. 

Given under my Hand, the 24th July, 1781. 

AT r> T-u o- ^ TT 4. u G. B. Rodney 

N.B. The Signals Estab- 
lished with the 
American Cruisers 
are . . . 

To Rear Admiral Sir Samuel 
Hood, Bart., &c. &c. &c. 

By Command of the Admiral, 
Will. Pagett 

U9l 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ COPY OF INTELLIGENCE REFERRED TO IN THE ORDER TO 
REAR ADMIRAL SIR SAMUEL HOOD ] 

A Mr. . . . arrived this Afternoon, the 31st 
July, from Saint Thomas's reports, that he left that 
Island on Saturday last; — six Days previous thereto, 
a Fleet of Merchantmen arrived in nine Days from the 
Cape where a French Frigate had arrived the Day be- 
fore their sailing, with thirty Pilots for the Chesapeake 
and Delawar, which together with a Number of North 
Americans [vessels] Collected there and awaiting Con- 
voy, to the number of Sixty or upwards, made it looked 
on as certain, that the French Fleet, which was hourly 
expected there from Martinique, would proceed imme- 
diately to America. He further adds, that a few days 
before the fleet from Saint Thomas's left the Cape, 
seven Spanish Men of War had arrived there from 
Pensacola, which place had been taken by Storm with 
great Loss: that the Spaniards afterwards attempted 
Augustine, but could not get over the Bar; that the last 
Advices there from the Continent were, that Lord 
Cornwallis was 40 Miles above York-Town; — that 
Washington had moved to the Southward; — the 
French had abandoned Rhode Island, and taken pos- 
session of Washington's former Post at West-Point; but 
that General Green had marched to the Southward, 
and forced Lord Rawdon within his lines in South 
Carolina; — but that the same Advices brought the Ac- 
count of the Arrival of a Reinforcement of 3,500 Men 
w^hich it was supposed would oblige him to fall back 
again: That the English Fleet were cruizing ofif Bos- 

1:503 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



ton, at which place a Reinforcement of three Frigates 
had arrived with a Reinforcement, and Money for the 

roop . ^2Lint Eustatius, ist August, 1781. 



[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO CAPTAIN GIDOIN^ ] 

By Sir George Brydges Rodney, Bart. &c. &c. &c. 

You are hereby required and directed to take the 
Ships named in the Margin- under your Command and 
proceed without one Moment's Loss of Time, with the 
Trade bound to Jamaica, Arriving off the East End of 
the Island, you are to dispatch the Hydra with the 
Trade bound to the North Side of it; and having seen 
the Rest in Safety to Port-Royal, you are to make the 
best of your Way with his Majesty's Ship under your 
Command, and the Prince William to the Chesapeake, 
where you are to await further Orders. 
rp Given under my Hand, &c., the 30th July, 1781. 

Captain Gidoin, of his 
Majesty's Ship Torbay. 

^ Note by Editor of the Rodney letters. — "Captain Gidoin was di- 
rected to see the Sandwich in Safety into Port Royal Harbour, with 
a letter to the Commander in Chief on that Station [Vice-Admiral 
Sir Peter Parker] to hasten the Torbay and Prince William, without 
a moment's delay to the Chesapeake; — and pressing him to add to 
their Force what Line of Battle Ships he could possibly spare from 
that station — the Admiral having undoubted Intelligence that the 
Enemy's Intention was certainly against the Chesapeake. 

"N.B. The Torbay arrived at Jamaica on the 9th of August, 
where she found the Princess Royal of 90 guns, Hector 74, Albion 
74, and Ramillies 74 — and did not sail till the 24th from thence, and 
then with Convoy." 

2 Sandwich, Pr. William, Hydra, Ranger, A. S. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at Sandy Hook 30th August 1781. 
Sir— 

I beg of you to acquaint the lords commissioners of 
the admiralty, that the moment I knew of the fate of 
the Swallow I hasten'd out the Solebay and the Rover 
sloop to scour the privateers off, who I very soon 
learned had burned the Swallow before they left her. 
The Solebay returned soon after with a retaken vessel 
and the crew of a privateer brig, which she had taken, 
but which has since been retaken. The Rover unfor- 
tunately by missing stays and the fatal effects of a 
counter current got on shore near Shrewsbury inlet in 
the night, Captain Duncan used every possible means 
to get her off without effect, in which he had every kind 
of assistance from the Medea who saw her situation at 
daylight, the hull was burned the 26th so soon as the 
ship bulged, and all the people were saved and brought 
in here. 

The 28th Sr. Samuel Hood arrived oft" the Hook 
with fourteen sail of the line, four frigates one Sloop 
and a fireship from the West Indies I was at that mo- 
ment settling a plan with Sr Henry Clinton for attempt- 
ing the French squadron in Rhode Island, as the French 
troops were mostly with General Washington in the 
Jerseys, we had only waited for the repair of three of 
the Squadron and the troops were ordered to embark, 
but the same evening intelligence was brought that 
Mons Du Barras had sailed the Saturday before, with 

1:52: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

his whole Squadron. As Sir Samuel Hood had brought 
intelligence from the West Indies that all the French 
fleet from the Cape were sailed, I immediately deter- 
mined to proceed with both squadrons to the South- 
ward, in hopes to intercept the one or both if possible. 
We only wait for a wind to carry the North American 
squadron over the bar and in the meantime, I have de- 
tached frigates to the Northward and Southward to 
give information and to bring intelligence. 

The Richmond came in the 29th from the Chesa- 
peake in four days, where every thing was quiet, and I 
have had two frigates before the Delaware for some 
time past. 

Whether the French intend a junction, or whether 
they have left the coast, is only to be guess'd at. I shall 
get to sea as soon as possible, and shall use every means 
to the best of my ability to counteract them. 

The Robust is so defective from what yet appears, 
that it is expected they can only make her fit to go home, 
or to Halifax to heave down. 

The Prudent has two new masts but has not yet got 
out of the East river. 

Enclosed you will receive duplicates of my last dis- 
patch by the Cartwright packet; Also the state and con- 
dition of the fleet under the command of Sir Samuel 
Hood.^ 

I am 
Sir 

Your most Obedient and 
most humble Servant. 

Thos. Graves. 

1 Not available. 

CS3] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

P.S. 

The inclosed f rench letter was 
addressed to one of La Fayette's family 
and seems to give the best plan of the 
destination of De Grasse's great Fleet 
of any which has come into my hands. 
Philip Stephens Esqr. 

Endorsed 30 Aug 178 1 | Rear Adml. Graves | ^ 3 

Nov. I A 31 Jany. 82 | ( i Inclosure) ^ 



Enclosure 

The following are the more interesting parts of the 
letter to La Fayette. (Spelling and accents as in the 
copy.) It was signed only by a rubric. 

"Havre de Grace [Le Havre] Le 31 Mars, 178 1 
"J'ai regu Monsieur et Bon ami, La Lettre dont vous 
m'avez honore en date du 19 8bre denier datee du Camp 

1 Clinton, though but so shortly before so exercised in mind as 
to a probable attack on New York by Washington and Rocham- 
beau that he had gone to the extent of ordering Cornwallis to send 
3CXX) men thither (against which Cornwallis successfully protested), 
had now become eager to attack Barras (who was left at Newport un- 
supported), and reoccupy Newport and take Providence. Both naval 
and military preparations had been proceeding to this end since 
Graves's return on August 16. Clinton was, however, not to be 
balked of an easterly expedition and prepared a force against New 
London under the traitor Arnold, escorted by a frigate and several 
sloops of war. The story of the destruction of New London and the 
massacre of the defenders of Fort Trumbull across the river at 
Croton on September 6 (the day after the action between Graves 
and De Grasse) makes a very dark page of history. 

CS4] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

du General Washington pres Potowa [?] dans les 
jerseys, elle m'est parvenue dans les premiers jours de 
fevrier. Je me flatte que Les Lettres que je vous ai 
adresse par voie de L'Orient vous auront ete remises, 
cependant je ne suis pas sans inquietude sur leur sort vu 
que vous m'en dites mot . . . 

"M. de Grasse est parti le 22 de ce mois avec une 
flotte de 26 Vaisseaux 8 fregates, 30 transports et 300 
Batimens a la hauteur des Canaries, 9 vaisseaux sous le 
commandement de M. De L' Espinousse et 2 fregates, 
le quitteront pour filer dans L'inde avec 2 transports et 
des Batimens marchands tres forts, on dit que M. De la 
Mothe Piquet va parter avec une division de 6 vais- 
seaux et des Transports pour une expedition, rien de 
Certain, on dit que e'st pour votre armee en outre de ce 
que M. De Grasse vous porte que vous mene t'il on 
1' ignore. Les Anglais etoient sortis le 13 avec 28 vais- 
seaux dont 10 a 3 ponts. avec une flotte considerable qui 
se separera apres qu on oura ravitaille Gibraltar. Les 
Espagnols avec 30 vaisseaux et en outre 2 f rancois sont 
sortie des le commencement de fevrier pour attendre les 
Anglais, on s'attend de moment en moment a des Evene- 
mens bien interessant et qui font palpiter. Les Es- 
pagnols ont des injures grossieres a vanger et malgre 
cela une tache considerable a remplir. Dieu veuille 
etre une fois catholique, en outre Dom Barcelo est a 
I'ouvert du detroit avec 4 vaisseaux et bon nombre de 
chebecs ainsi pendant un combat le Convoi Anglais ne 
pourroit filer sans risque de tomber dans le Griffes de ce 
vigilant chef d'escadre, I'honneur de sa nation, voila 
vous en conviendres un moment bien Critique. La 
Josephine corsaire f regate de ce port, une des meilleures 
voilieres qu'il y ait a pris le 22 un Paquebot double en 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

cuivre de 14 canons partant de Plymouth pour New 
York charge des depeches du Gouvernement Anglais 
pour Clinton et Arbuthnot notre corsaire est commande 
par le Brave capitaine favre quo vous connaisses cette 
fregate porte 30 canons de 12 et de 8. il a beaucoup 
d'officiers americains. Le Ministre qui venoit de Brest 
presser le depart de I'escadre de M. de Grasse a recu a 
L'Orient la male des mains du Capitaine favre. 

"Le havre, mon bon ame ce n'est plus ce petit Paris 
vivant, remuant, et si curieuse a voir en 1779. c^est un 
desert, tout commerce y a cesse. 

"La misere y est affreuse. vous sentes que La Bourse 
de votre ami s'en ressent evaillement. quand reviendront 
les heureux jours de la paix ils sont encore eloignes. 
tout le monde le pense puisse t' on se tromper jamais 
erreur de Calcul m'aura ete plus a notre avantage." 

Endorsed In R. A. Graves' \ 30 Aug 1781 



[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

Barfleur, off Sandy Hook, 

30th of August, 1 78 1. 
Sir:— 

I beg you will acquaint the Lords Commissioners of 
the Admiralty that Sir George Rodney sailed from St. 
Eustatius on the ist of this month with the Gibraltar, 
Triumph, Panther, Boreas, and two bombs, with the 
trade for England, having the day before given up the 

C563 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

command of his Majesty's fleet at the Leeward Islands 
to me. On that evening I received the intelligence 
No. I, and early the next morning Sir George sent me 
the letter No. 2, and recommended to me to recall the 
ships he had sent from Basseterre with Rear-Admiral 
Drake to St. Lucia, and to wait their joining me before 
I proceeded to this coast. 

I instantly dispatched the Sybille on that service, 
with orders for their meeting me at St. John's Road, 
Antigua, for which place I sailed the next evening with 
ten ships of the line. In the night I fell in with La 
Nymphe, which Sir George Rodney had sent to recon- 
noitre Fort Royal Bay and St. Pierre, and being in- 
formed by her commander that he had seen four sail of 
large ships in Fort Royal Bay, but that the weather was 
so very hazy he could form no opinion of their force, 
but thought they were of the line, I instantly sent La 
Nymphe back with the letter No. 3 to Rear-Admiral 
Drake. Early the next morning I spoke with an armed 
brig from New York with despatches from Sir Henry 
Clinton and Rear-Admiral Graves addressed to Sir G. 
Rodney, of which No. 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 are copies. 

I sent the armed brig into Nevis Road to complete 
her water, and then proceed to St. John's Road. On 
the 6th she joined me, and, without waiting an hour, 
pushed away on her return to New York with my an- 
swers to the letters she brought. 

Having embarked the 49th Regiment on board his 
Majesty's squadron under my command, at the desire of 
Brigadier-General Christie, to whom Sir Henry Clin- 
ton's messenger delivered the despatches he was charged 
with for General Vaughan, I put to sea on the loth at 
dawn of day, not caring to wait for the St. Lucia ships, 

1:57] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

lest the enemy should get to America before me; but 
as I was running out Mr. Drake appeared with four 
ships of the line, being certain the French had no ships 
larger than a frigate at Martinique, and without delay- 
ing a moment I pushed on as fast as possible. 

On the 25th I made the land a little to the southward 
of Cape Henry, and from thence despatched a frigate 
with the letter No. 9 to Rear-Admiral Graves, and find- 
ing no enemy had appeared either either in the Chesa- 
peake or Delaware,^ I proceeded off Sandy Hook. On 
the 28th, in the morning, I received the letter No. 10 
in answer, and foreseeing great delay and inconve- 
nience might arise from going within the Hook with 
the squadron under my command. 

I got into my boat and met Mr. Graves and Sir 
Henry Clinton on Long Island, who were deliberating 
upon a plan of destroying the ships at Rhode Island. 
This was an additional argument in support of my opin- 
ion against my going within the Hook, as the equinox 
was so near at hand, and I humbly submitted the neces- 
sity which struck me very forcibly, of such of Rear- 
Admiral Graves's squadron as were ready coming with- 
out the Bar immediately, whether to attend Sir Henry 
Clinton to Rhode Island, or to look for the enemy at 
sea. My idea was readily acquiesced in, and Mr. 
Graves said his ships should be sent out the next day, 
but for want of wind they are still within the Hook. 

Herewith I send you, for their Lordships informa- 
tion an account of the state and condition of his 

1 Graves strongly affirms in his letter of May 4, 1782, written at 
Port Royal, Jamaica, that Hood did not look into either the Chesa- 
peake or Delaware, but came directly on to New York. 

[ssn 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Majesty's squadron I brought with me from the West 
Indies. I am, Sir, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

Sam. Hood. 

Endorsed. — The 30th of August, 1781, Rear-Admiral 
Sir Samuel Hood. 

Received, the 3rd of November. 
Answered, the loth of November. 



On September 8, the frigate Pegasus, Captain Stan- 
hope, arrived with a third despatch from Rodney, ad- 
dressed to Arbuthnot or the commander-in-chief for the 
time being: 



[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO VICE ADMIRAL ARBUTHNOT ] 

Gibraltar, at sea, 13 Aug. 1781. 
Sir, 

Herewith I have the honour to enclose you intelli- 
gence which I received from St. Thomas's the night 
before I sailed from St. Eustatius, and to acquaint you 
that I left Sir Samuel Hood preparing to sail with all 
possible dispatch with 12 Sail of the line, 4 frigates, and 
a fireship, for the Capes of Virginia, where I am per- 
suaded the French intend making their grand effort. 
Permit me therefore to recommend it to you to collect 
all the force you can, and form a junction with Sir 

C593 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Samuel there. You will I hope, ere this reaches you, 
have heard of his approach, by his fastest sailing frig- 
ate, which I directed him to dispatch for the purpose of 
looking out for intelligence off the Chesapeak and 
Delaware. 

The French fleet under Monsieur de Grasse, when 
they left the Grenades to collect their convoy, consisted 
of 26 sail of the line and two large ships armed en-flute; 
and I imagine, at least 12 of those ships, and in all 
probability of part of Mr. de Monteil's squadron, will 
be in America; and it is not impossible they may be 
joined by some Spanish Ships. 

It is certain that the enemy intend to make an early 
campaign in the West Indies after the hurricane 
months; I have therefore directed Sir Samuel Hood to 
return immediately after the full-moon of October, and 
I must request not only that he is on no account detained 
beyond that period, but that you will add to his force 
what line of battle ships can possibly be spared from the 
service in America during the winter season. 

Besides the squadron Sir Samuel Hood brings with 
him, two line of battle ships, which I sent to strengthen 
the convoy to Jamaica, have my orders to proceed 
thence through the Gulph, and join him at the Chesa- 
peak without delay. 

I have the honour to be &a. 

G. B. Rodney 



It is extraordinary that this despatch was not sent 
Hood earlier. The news from St. Thomas reached 
Rodney on the night of July 3 1 . He sailed for England 
the next day. Hood was in easy reach, as he did not 

C603 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

leave Antigua, distant only 70 miles from St. Eustatius, 
on August 10. Rodney took the Pegasus with him and 
when in the latitude of Bermuda sent her with the 
despatch to Graves's fleet. She was 26 days in reaching 
Graves. Rodney may have thought that his earlier or- 
ders to Hood respecting De Grasse's destination and 
occupancy of the Chesapeake were definite, but they 
clearly were not. 

The despatch also shows how great a stress was laid 
upon the preservation of the British islands in the West 
Indies. This anxiety was ever uppermost in the British 
mind, and cost Britain the United States. America was 
sacrificed for a few sugar islands, which, had Britain 
succeeded in suppressing the American Revolution, 
would have fallen to the British navy in any case. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at sea the 14th Septr. 1781. 
Sir. 

I beg you will be pleased to acquaint the Lords Com- 
missioners of the Admiralty, that the moment the wind 
served to carry the ships over the Bar, which was 
buoyed for the purpose, the squadron came out, and Sir 
Saml. Hood getting under sail at the same time, the 
fleet proceeded together on the 3 ist August to the south- 
ward, my intention being to go to the Cheasapeak, as 
the Enemys views would most probably be upon that 
part. 

The cruisers which I had placed before the Delawar 

C60 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

coud. give me no certain information, and the cruisers 
off the Cheasapeak had not joined; the winds being 
rather favourable we approached the Cheasapeak the 
morning of the 5th Septemr. when the advanced ship 
made the signal of a fleet. We soon discovered a num- 
ber of great ships at anchor, which seemed to be ex- 
tended across the entrance of the Cheasapeak, from 
Cape Henry to the Middle Ground; they had a frigate 
cruizing off the Cape which stood in and joined them, 
and as we approached, the whole fleet got under sail 
and stretched out to sea with the wind at N.N.E. As 
we drew nearer I formed the line, first ahead and then 
in such a manner as to bring his Majesty's fleet nearly 
parallel to the line of approach of the Enemy; and 
when I found that our van was advanced as far as the 
shoal of the middle ground would admit of, I wore the 
fleet and brought them upon the same tack with the 
enemy, and nearly parallel to them, though we were by 
no means extended with their rear. So soon as I judged 
that our van would be able to operate, I made the signal 
to bare away and approach, and soon after, to engage 
the Enemy close. Somewhat after four the action began 
amongst the headmost ships pretty close, and soon be- 
came general as far as the second ship from the center 
towards the rear. The van of the enemy bore away to 
enable their center to support them, or they would have 
been cut up, the action did not entirely cease until a 
little after sunset though at a considerable distance, for 
the center of the Enemy continued to bear up as it ad- 
vanced, and at that moment seemed to have little more 
in view, than to shelter their own van as it went away 
before the wind. — 

His Majesty's Fleet consisted of nineteen sail of the 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

line, that of the French formed twenty four sail in their 
line. After night I sent the frigates to the van and rear 
to push forward the line and keep it extended with the 
enemy, with a full intention to renew the engagement 
in the morning, but when the frigate Fortunee returned 
from the van I was informed that, several of the ships 
had suffered so much they were in no condition to re- 
new the action until they had secured their masts. The 
Shrewsbury, Intrepid, and Montagu unable to keep the 
line, and the Princessa in momentary apprehension of 
the maintopmast going over the side: we however kept 
well extended with the Enemy all night, and in the 
morning, saw they had not the appearance of near so 
much damage as we had sustained, though the whole 
of their van must have experienced a good deal of loss. 

We continued all day the 6h. in sight of each other 
repairing our damages. Rear Admiral Drake shifted 
his flag into the Alcide until the Princessa had got up 
another maintopmast. The Shrewsbury, whose Cap- 
tain lost a leg and had the first lieutenant killed, was 
obliged to reef both topmasts, shift her topsail-yards, 
and had sustained very great damage. I ordered Captn. 
Colpoys of the Orpheus, to take the command of her 
and put her into a state for action. 

The Intrepid had both topsail yards shot down, her 
topmasts in great danger of falling, and her lower 
masts and yards very much damaged; her Captain hav- 
ing behaved with the greatest gallantry to cover the 
Shrewsbury. The Montagu was in great danger of 
losing her masts, the Terrible so leaky as to keep all her 
pumps going, and the Ajax also very leaky from old 
complaints aggravated. In the present state of the 
fleet, and being five sail of the line less in number 

• n633 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

than the Enemy, and they having advanced very much 
in the wind upon us during the day, I determined to tack 
after eight, to prevent being draw^n too far from the 
Cheasapeak, and to stand to the Northw^ard. 

Enclosed is the line of battle with ye numbers killed 
and wounded in the different ships and their principal 
damages during the action, marked A. The ships in 
general did their duty well and the officers and people 
exerted themselves exceedingly. 

On the 8 it came to blow pretty fresh, and in stand- 
ing against a head sea the Terrible made the signal of 
distress, I immediately sent the Fortunee and Orpheus 
frigates to attend upon her, and received the enclosed 
state of her complaints marked B. 

At night about an hour after the fleet had been wore 
together, the Intrepid made the signal to speak with the 
Admiral, upon which the fleet was brought to, and I 
was soon informed that her main topmast was gone over 
the side and they expected the fore-yard would go 
every moment. These repeated misfortunes in sight of 
a superior enemy who kept us all extended and in mo- 
tion, filled the mind with anxiety and put us in a situ- 
ation not to be envied. 

I have enclosed the state and condition of the ships 
letter C, by which their lordships will perceive the state 
of the fleet. To this I must add, that the Pegasus joined 
the fleet from New York with an account that after 
separating from Sir George Rodney in latitude 29° .55' 
Longitude 59° .33', having six victuallers and a store- 
ship under convoy for New York, had fallen in with 
the French fleet and lost every ship, though the captain 
seems to have used every prudential means for their 
preservation. 

C64] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

It may not be improper to add that we are without 
resources at York, there having been neither stores nor 
provisions but what has been purchased, for many 
months past, and a very slender quantity even of that. 

Several of the Squadron from the West Indies being 
bare of water and provisions, particularly bread, 
obliged me to supply them from other ships. It being 
determined in a council of war held on the loth to 
evacuate the Terrible and destroy her, I took the first 
calm day to effect it, and at the same time distributed 
the water and provisions which were wanted. This 
took up the whole of the 4th, the wreck was set fire to, 
and I bore up for the Chesapeake about nine at night. 

The Fleets had continued in sight of each other for 
five days successively, and at times were very near. We 
had not speed enough in so mutilated a state to attack 
them had it been prudent and they shewed no inclina- 
tion to renew the action, for they generally maintained 
the wind of us, and had it often in their power. 

The paper marked letter D will shew their lordships 
Captain Duncan's report of the state of the Chesapeake, 
when I sent him to look in, the day after the action. 

The above-mentioned delay occasioned our losing 
sight for the first time, of the French fleet. I therefore 
sent Captain Duncan to reconnoitre the Chesapeake 
who brought me on the morning of the 13th, the in- 
formation which occasioned the Council of War 
marked letter E; and I sent him again to take a better 
view, which confirmed the report of the French fleet 
being all anchored within the Cape, so as to block the 
passage. I then determined to follow the resolution of 
a Council of War for securing the fleet if possible be- 
fore the Equinox at New York, and I immediately 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

despatched the Medea with this pacquet for their Lord- 
ships information. 

I am 
Sir, 
Your most Obedient and 
most humble Servant, 
Thos. Graves. 

P.S. 

Enclosed you will receive a duplicate of my last let- 
ter. I beg leave to recommend the necessity for the 
immediate return of the frigates which may be sent 
from this country, the want of the Roebuck has been 
much felt. 

T.G. 
Philip Stephens, Esqr. 

Endorsed No. 7 | Rear Adml. Graves [ Letter to P. Ste- 
phens Esq. I 14 Sept. 1781. 1 ^ 13th Octo. at Night. 



Enclosure A 

THE LINE OF BATTLE 

With an account of the numbers of the Killed & 
Wounded, and the damages sustained by the Fleet un- 
der the command of Rear Admiral Graves, in an action 
with the French Fleet of¥ Cape Henry on the 5th 
Septemr 1781. 

[66] 



Line of Battle 

e Alfred to lead with the Starboard and the Shrewsbury wh. the larbd. 
ks on board 



Frigates 


Rate 


Ships 


Commanders 


Guns 


Men 


Divisions 




3 


Alfred 


Captain Bayne 


74 


600 ' 




ta Monica | 
repeat j 
[imond 


2 

3 


Belliqueux 
Invincible 
Barfleur 
Monarch 


Brine 

" Saxton 
[Rear Admiral Hood) 
[Captain Hood j 

" Reynolds 


64 
74 
90 

74 


500 
600 
768 
600 


Sr. Samuel Hood 

Bart. 
Rear Admiral of ye 
Blue&ca.&ca. &ca. 




1( 


Centaur 


" Inglefield 


74 


650 






3 


America 


Captain Thompson 


64 


500 




amander ) 
reship f 
mphe 1 
epeat j 


11 

2 

3 


Resolution 
Bedford 
London 
Royal Oak 


" Lord Rt. Manners 

" Graves 
1 Rear Admiral Graves) 
[Captain Graves j 
Ardesoif 


74 
74 
98 
74 


600 
600 
800 
600 


Thomas Graves 

Esqr. 
'Rear Adml. of 

the Red 
Commander in 


ebay 


u 


Montagu 


Bo wen 


74 


600 


Chief 


amant 


(( 


Europe 


Child 


64 


500 






3 


Terrible 


Captain Finch 


74 


600 


■• 


il ] 
•epeat j 
tunee 


11 


Ajax 
Princessa 

Alcide 


" Charrington 
/Rear Admiral Drake] 
[Captain KnatcbuU j 

" Thompson 


74 
70 

74 


577 
600 


Francis Samuel 

Drake Esqr 
>Rear Admiral of 
the Blue &C.&C.&C. 




11 


Intrepid 


MoUoy 


64 


500 






11 


Shrewsbury 


" Robinson 


74 


600 





If the Europe cannot keep up she is to fall into the Rear and the Adamant to takt 
her station in the Line. 

Given on board His Majestys ship Londor 
at Sandy Hook 3it Augt. 1781 
(Copy) T Graves 

by Editor.— As the fleet stood in for the Capes, with the wind from the northward, the Alfred was leading 
the starboard tacks aboard; the signal to "wear together" brought the Shrewsbury in the lead, with th( 
3ard (port) tacks aboard. The action of September 5 was thus fought with the ships in the reverse orde; 
e names above, Sir Samuel Hood's division forming the rear. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



List of Men killed and wounded and guns dismounted 
on board His Majesty's Ships under the command of 
Rear Admiral Graves in an action with the French 
Fleet of? Cape Henry the 5 Septr. 178 1 



Shrewsbury 

Intrepid 

Alcide . 

Princessa 

Ajax . . 

Terrible 

Europe . 

Montagu 

Royal Oak 

London 

Bedford 

Resolution 

America 

Centaur 

Monarch 

Barfleur 

Invincible 

Belliqueux 

Alfred . 



Killed 

14 

21 

2 

6 

7 
4 
9 
8 

4 

4 
8 

3 



Wounded 

35 
18 

II 

16 

21 

18 

22 

5 
18 

14 
16 



Total 

66 

56 
20 

17 
23 
25 
27 
30 
9 
22 
22 

19 



Guns 
Dismounted 



Total 



90 



246 336 



16 



[68] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Damages received on board His Majesty's ships under 
the command of Rear Admiral Graves in an action 
with the French Fleet off Cape Henry the 5th Septr. 
1781. 

Shrewsbury, Captain Mark Robinson. 

5th Septr. — Captain Everitt of the Solebay reported, 
that at 5 minutes past 8 P.M., he spoke her, she having 
made the signal of distress — was informed that Captain 
Robinson had lost his leg, the first Lieutenant and 25 
or 26 men killed, and 46 wounded, Mr. Retalick 2nd 
lieut. commanding officer — all her masts yards and sails 
so shattered, not able to keep the line — had on board at 
the beginning of the action 532 men. 

Carpenter's damages — Foremast shot through in 
three different places, one of the trussel-trees shot 
through and the cross-tree wounded — the fore yard 
badly wounded in three places — fore top-sail-yard- 
arm shot away, and two shot thro the yard — spreet-sail 
yard wounded — three shot thro' the head of the main 
mast, and another above ten feet above the quarter deck 
which have much weakened the mast — main yard, 
wounded at both arms — Maintopmast shot thro' just 
above the cap, and the heel shot away main topsail 
yard, shot thro' in two places — mizzenmast almost cut 
off in two places — mizzen topmast shot thro' at the 
head mizzen yard wounded, six studding sail booms 
shot away — the spare topmasts, main topsail yard, fish 
for the mast, hand-mast, jib-boom, spars, and all the 
boats very much wounded. — Five shot under water, one 
of them gone thro' — One end of an upper deck beam 
much damaged — two upper deck standards, the spir- 

[693 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

ketting, clamps, etc., cut in several places — the plank- 
shier, fife rails, blocks &c. on the quarter-deck, all shot 
away — the outside much damaged by receiving so 
many shot — When the larboard tacks are on board, 
the ship makes i8 inches water in four hours. 

Boatswain's damages — Twenty-eight lower and 
eighteen topmt. shrouds and thirteen backstays & the 
main and mizen stays all shot away; blocks, dead-eyes 
and all the running rigging and sails cut to pieces. — 

Gunners damages. — Two i8 prs. disabled and the 
carriage of another. 



Intrepid — Captain Anthony James Pye MoUoy. 

Carpenters damages. — Withoutboard, the head rails 
shot thro — sixty-five shot holes in the starboard side, 
and nineteen between wind and water — the rudder 
much damaged — five side timbers, each of them cut 
in two — the upper quarter-gallery shot to pieces, and 
the stern-gallery much damaged. Gun Deck, the stan- 
dard against the post shot away, — Upper Deck, three 
port timbers and the quick-work greatly damaged, the 
second shift of spirketting and the port cell, string and 
quick-work, greatly damaged. Two shot through the 
middle of the Bowspreet, and one thro' the spreet-sail- 
yard, three shot in the foremast, and two very danger- 
ous ones thro' the fore-topmast — foreyard much 
wounded and the fore topsail-yard shot in two — two 
shot in the main mast — the main topmast almost cut in 
two, the heel of the main topmast shot to pieces. Sails 
and rigging very much cut particularly the topsails — 
All the boats damaged. 

C70] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Alcide Captain Charles Thompson 

Carpenters damages. — Jib-boom, Bovvspreet fore 
yard and top gallant mast slightly wounded — three shot 
thro' the mainmast. Mizen topmast, topsail-yard, and 
gaff, shot away — Clamps standards, spirketting &c, 
on the Upper and Gun Decks, much wounded, the knee 
of the head & part of the figure, — spare main topsail 
yards & boats much hurt — many shot under water 
which makes the ship leaky. — 



p . J Rear Admiral Drake 

Captain Charles Knatchbull 



Carpenters damages. — Main topmast shot thro' in 
three places Maintopsail Yard shot away 12 feet from 
the arm — a shot thro' the middle of the fore-mast 10 
feet under the hounds — foretop gallant mast shot 
thro — Maintopgalltmast Driven and three studding- 
sail-booms, all shot away — fore yard arm shot almost 
off 12 feet away from the slings — long boat and cutter 
damaged two hanging knees and two port cells shot 
away — several shot in the side and under water. — 

Boatswain damages, — Six Fore & eight main shrouds 
several topmast shrouds & great part of the running 
rigging and sails very much cut, — 

[71] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Ajax Captain Nicholas Charrington. 

Carpenters damages. — Upper Deck one shot thro 
the gangway and one thro the clamp — the plankshier 
blocks &c on the quarter deck torn to pieces — Mizzen 
topmast shot thro', one shot thro' the head of the main- 
mast, but not of much consequence — maintopsail yard 
wounded and the spare one shot through — main trussel- 
trees shiver'd by shot & require shifting — fore topsail- 
yard wounded — fore topgallantmast shot away — a shot 
thro the cap and head of the foremast — the fore yard 
wounded in the slings — spare maintopmast and the 
boats wounded by shot. 

Boatswains damages. — Ten lower and six topmast 
shrouds seven back stays, and all the stays shot away — 
running rigging and sails very much cut — 

Gunners damages — Two Carriages, vizt. a 24 and a 9 
Poundr. are wounded and a 9 pounder dismounted. 



Terrible Hofible Captain Finch 

Two large shot thro' the foremast, and two buried in 
it (the mast sprung before the action) main topsails and 
cross jack yards much damaged — several shot between 
wind and water, (the ship leaky before the action) 
The pumps blown, and only kept together by tarr'd 
canvas, lead, and wouldings — chains worn out, and but 
few links to repair them — pump leather all expended — 
makes t\vo feet two inches water in 25 minutes. — 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Europe. Captain Smith Child 

Carpenters damages — Four shot in the mainmast, 
two of them gone thro' — the main yard wounded in two 
places — main top mast wounded mizen top mast and 
topsail-yard shot away — the spare topmasts boats &c 
much wounded — two standards and three hanging 
knees shot thro' — the fife rails plankshier and spirket- 
ting much wounded — twelve shot between wind and 
water and a great number in the upper works — the ship 
strains and makes water. 

Boatswains damages. — Eleven lower shrouds, two 
topmast shrouds, two backstays, and all the mizen top- 
mast rigging shot away, and the sails and running rig- 
ging much cut. 

Gunners damages — a 24 Pr. and a 9 Pr. carriages 
damaged — and the carriage of an 18 Pr. render'd un- 
serviceable — 



Montagu Captain George Brown 

Carpenters damages — Clamp spirketting and water- 
way on the Gun and upper decks shot thro in several 
places the hull much shatterd by shot — a shot thro' the 
main piece of the rudder, which has split it — The fore 
topgallantmast shot thro' Five shot in the main mast, 
one of which is gone thro' — the main yard shot half ofif 
— maintopmast shot thro' seven feet above the cap — 
mizen mast cut half ofif two feet under the hounds — 

l73l 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

main top gallant yard shot to peices — studding sail 
booms shot away spare yards topmasts &c damaged by 
shot. 

Boatswains damages — Nineteen lower shrouds, ten 
topmast shrouds, six backstays — the fore topmast stay 
and the main spring stay, all shot away — the running 
rigging and sails very much cut — 

Gunners damages — four guns dismounted. — 



Royal Oak Captain John Plumer Ardesoif 

Carpenters damages — Clamp spirketting and water 
way on the Quarter and upper decks, shot thro' in sev- 
eral places. Mizen mast and spare maintopsail yard 
wounded — five shot in the wales and twelve in the top- 
sides. — 



T , I Rear Admiral Graves 
London^ . t^ • , ^ 

Captam David Graves 



A large shot thro' the mainmast, and two in the fore- 
mast, fore top gallantmast shot away — Boats and booms 
much damaged — a number of shot in the side and 
several under water — The sails and rigging much 
cut. 

Gunner's damages — Three guns (one i8 pr. and Two 
12 prs.) dismounted — one of which being rendered 
unserviceable was thrown overboard. 

[74] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Bedford — Captain Thomas Graves 

Mizen topmast rendered unfit for service — a shot 
in the mainmast and two in the head of the foremast. 
The gammoning of the bowspreet and part of the knee 
of the head shot away — a shot thro' the jib-boom, four- 
teen in the side and several under water, but the ship 
not leaky. 



Resolution — Captain Lord Robert Manners 

The head rails shot away, mainmast and bowsprit 
wounded 



Centaur — Captain John Inglefield 

Two strakes of spirketting cut almost ofif, and the 
mainmast wounded. 



Monarch — Captain Francis Reynolds 

A large shot in the main mast about five feet below 
the cheeks, the bowsprit cut y^d off just without the 
gammoning. 



America 

Barfleur 

Invincible [-Received no damage in the action 

Belliqueux 

Alfred 

1751 



T. Graves. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Endorsed 4 | The Line of Battle | the Numbers killed 
& wounded j & the Account of damages | sustained in 
the Action of the 5th of September 1781 | A | In R A. 
Graves Letter | Dated 14 Sepr. 1781. ' 



Enclosure B 

[Copy of the several Letters representing the State and 
Condition His Majestys Ship Terrible] 

^. Terrible at Sea 9th Septemr. 1781. 

Our Leaks since Yesterday have increased very much, 
to day we were alarmed when we came against a very 
trifling head Sea, with our Leaks gaining (over six 
hand Pumps kept briskly going) 2 feet 2 Inches in 25 
Minutes, and we are all convinced that she will make 
much more in a gale of Wind, our Chain Pumps are 
very bad, should the least Accident happen, I am ap- 
prehensive the Ship cannot be saved, our Foremast is 
much wounded. It was sprung before we came into 
Action, and there are now two Shot thro' the Main 
Piece of the Foremast, two more lodged in it, we 
weighed one of the Shot which weighed thirty nine 
pounds. Should we be blown ofi the Coast we have 
but ten days Water on board. ^^^ ^^^^^ p^^^^^ 

The Carpenter informs me that in smooth Water if 
the hand Pumps were kept still, the Ship would make 
six feet water in the hour. 

Rear Admiral Graves 

Commander in Chief &c. &c. &c. 

C76] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Memorandum enclosed in the preceding Letter. 

The Pumps blown, and only kept together by Tar'd 
Canvas Lead & Wouldings ; the Sprocket Wheels much 
decayed, and not one spare one in the Ship, the Chains 
by constant use worn out, we have however a few spare 
links to repair them, all the Winches Supplied the Ship 
from having been so often broke and repaired, are ren- 
dered useless, the Iron burnt out, so that we have for 
some time past been under the necessity to repair them 
with New Iron. The Pump Cisterns so much shaken 
by constantly Pumping that it gives employment to one 
Man to keep Caulking them and that without being 
able to do it effectually. The Pump Leather all ex- 
pended. 



Terrible at Sea loth. Septr. 1781. 
Sir 

When I last sent you the state of the Terrible, I men- 
tioned that the least Water she made was Six . . . feet 
an hour, the next four hours we pumped out 8 feet each 
hour, our Leaks increased during the Night; from 12 
P. M. to noon this day We have had all our Pumps 
going, the Chain Pumps only Suck, and three times 
during those 12 Hours, and never stood still for more 
than ten Minutes each Time, our hand Pumps have 
never ceased; In this Situation I have thrown overboard 
5 lower Deck Guns, not knowing how long I might 
have it in my Power to do so. If you do not forbid it 

l77l 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

I shall be under the necessity of throwing over board 
the Fore Castle and Quarter Deck Guns, for although 
we do not make quite so much Water on this Tack, we 
make too much to give us any great hopes of being able 
to carry her into Port. Perhaps you may think Sir that 
some of her Stores may be of Service to some other Ship, 
and in our present Situation we should be as well with- 
out them. 

I am Sir 

Your most Obedt. humble Servt. 

Wm. Clemt. Finch. 

To 

Rear Admiral Graves 
Commander in Chief &c. &c. &c. 



Terrible at Sea the nth. Septemr. 178 1 
Sir 

I beg leave to send you the inclosed Certificates, and 
to inform you that w^e find no Relief from the lower 
Deck Guns being thrown over board. It is impossible 
to keep Pumps workt better than ours have been all 
Night, and they have barely prevented the Water gain- 
ing on us, I have all the Sick and wounded Men in the 
Ward Room, I should be glad to begin by removing 
them, I should be glad to receive your Orders where 
they are to be sent, the Ships Company are divided into 
six divisions about sixty each, w^ith a Lieutenant and a 
Proportional Number of Petty Officers, they are the 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

most equal division that can be made of them, as they 
consist of equal No. of Fore Castle Men, Topmen &ca. 
in each, the Marines are a very fine party of Men. I 
have ventured to hoist the Long Boat out in conse- 
quence of what you mentioned Yesterday. 
I have the honor to be 

Sir your most Obedt. 

humble Servant 
Wm. Ct. Finch. — 

Rear Adml. Graves 
Commander in Chief 

&ca. &ca. &ca. — 



Copy of the Certificate given by the Officers of His 
Majestys Ship Terrible. 



To the Honble. Wm. Clemt. Finch 
Commander of H. M. S. Terrible 
In Compliance with your directions to give in our 
opinions of the possibility of carrying the Ship into 
Port, we do hereby certify as follows, that during the 
last Night the Water gained at two different times on 
the Pumps, so that had any accident happen'd, to the 
Chains, which have seldom work'd two days without 
breaking, she must inevitably have founderd, and She 
still continuing not withstanding the fineness of the 
Weather, to keep all the Pumps constantly going (it is 
our opinions that it is absolutely impracticable to carry 
her into Port. 

l79l 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Given under our hands on board His Majestys 
Ship Terrible at Sea the loth. September 1781. 

RiCHD. Nash first Lieutt. 
H. W. Miller Second do 
Thos. Procter Third do 
Chas. Apthorp Fourth do 
Jas. Jno. Colvil Fifth do 
John Roice Master 
John Mules Boatsn. 
Wm. Dyers Gunner 
John Kains Carpenter 

And we do further certify that any assistance from 
the Fleet would be ineffectual for the preservation of 
the Ship, and that no additional number of Men could 
keep her free, so as to enable us to carry Her into Port. 
Given under our hands on board His Majestys 
Ship Terrible at Sea the nth. September 1781. 
Wm. Clemt. Finch . . Captain 
Richard Nash . . . first Lieutt. 

H W Miller Second do 

Thos. Procter Third do 

Chas. Apthorp . . . Fourth do 

Jas. Jno. Colvil Fifth do 

Jno. Roice Master 

John Mules Boatsn. 

Wm. Dyers Gunner 

John Kains Carpenter 

September i ith 1781. At a Council of War held this 
day on board His Majestys Ship London upon the 
Leaky and dangerous state of the Terrible, as repre- 
sented by Captain Finchs two letters of the 9th and 

1:803 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

loth Instant, and the little probability of her being able 
to get to New York or any other Port, we are of opinion 
to take out her People and sink her. 

Thos. Graves 
Sam Hood 
(Copy) Fra:S: DRAKE 

T. Graves 

Endorsed (3) | Copy of the several letters | from 
Captn. Finch together | with the Certificate from the | 
Captain and all the other Officers | representing the 
state and | Condition of His Majestys Ship | Terrible 
with the Council of war on | the same | B | In R. A. 
Graves's Letter | Dated 14 Sepr: 1781. 



[ LETTER FROM REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

Sir 

I have this moment put into my hands by the Pearl 
Capt Montagu the Packet brought by the Active Brig 
Captain Manley which arrived at New York the 10 
instant, and was brought away the nth. by the Pearl. 
The Zebra has arrived at [New] York from the West 
Indies as Capt. Montagu informs me. The Prudent 
had sailed from [New] York but has not joined me, 
and she may be to the Southward and had spoken I 
understand to the Pegasus, who had left me after the 
action with dispatches for [New] York. 
I am Sir your most Obedt. 

Humble Servant 
London off the Thos. GRAVES. 

Cheasapeak C. Charles 
14 Sepr. 1781. — 

C80 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Endorsed 14 Sepr. 1781 | R A Graves | ^ 13 Octor. 
at Night 



Enclosure D 

[ INTELLIGENCE BY CAPTAIN DUNCAN OF HIS 
majesty's SHIP MEDEA ] 

Thursday September 6th. 178 1 in the Forenoon, 
made Sail for the Cheasepeak, that Evening got close 
to Cape Henry but too late to run in, spoke the Iris 
returning from chasing a Ship which she obliged to 
throw her Guns over board, and run her into Shoal 
Water, kept the Iris with me that Night, in the night 
spoke the Pegasus, she left the West Indies with Sir 
George Rodney and was bringing seven Victuallers all 
which She apprehended was taken by the French Fleet, 
the Pegasus was chased four days by them in the Lattde. 
38. Longde. 72. 

Friday 7th. Run into the Cheseapeak, observed that 
the French Fleet had left their Anchors behind them, 
I left the Iris at the Cape and directed Captain Dawson 
to cut away the Buoys after taking the bearings of them. 
We went up the Bay, two Ships were working down, 
one of which was a two Deck Ship, we could plainly 
discover her lower Deck Ports, Stern Gallery and a 
whole Mizen Yard, She hoisted English Colours and 
the Pendant she hoisted from the Quarter Deck, the 
other Ship was a Frigate; there were five Sails at 
Anchor higher up, one of which came down and joined 
them, she was not so large as the Line of Battle Ship, 
and considerably larger than the Frigate, no Poop, most 

n82] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

probably a 40 Gun Ship; four that lay above were 
Small Vessels, when we had got pretty well up with 
those Ships, two large Ships made their appearance 
coming out of Elizabeth River, Captain Dawson took 
them to be Line of Battle Ships, they did not appear so 
large to us, they Anchord. The Line of Battle Ship, 
the 40 and Frigate seemed to be Anchord in a Line 
above the Horse Shoe, and near the entrance of the 
York River, got out of the Bay at Night, and next 
Morning saw the Fleet. 

Henry Duncan 

Endorsed (5) | Copy of Intelligence from | the Chesa- 
peake, by Captn. | Duncan of the Medea, the | 7th 
of September, 1781. | D | In R. A. Graves's Letter | 
Dated 14 Sepr. 1781. 



Enclosure E 
[ the resolve of a council of war ] 

At a Council of War held on board His Majesty's 
ship London at Sea the 13 September, 1781, upon a 
report from Captain Duncan of his majesty's ship 
Medea, that they had seen the evening before, the 
French Fleet at anchor ofif the Horseshoe shoal in the 
Chesapeake, that the large ships appeared more numer- 
ous and to be in Divisions, but that it was too late to get 
near enough to form a close judgement. 

Upon this state of the position of the Enemy the pres- 
ent condition of the British Fleet, the season of the year 

[83: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

SO near the Equinox, and the impracticability of giving 
any effectual succour to General Earl Cornwallis in the 
Chesapeake, 

It was resolved, that the British Squadron under the 
command of Thomas Graves Esqr. Rear Admiral of 
the Red — Sr. Samuel Hood Bart, and Francis Samuel 
Drake Esqr. Rear Admirals of the Blue, should pro- 
ceed with all dispatch to New York, and there use every 
possible means for putting the Squadron into the best 
state for service, provided that Captain Duncan who is 
gone again to reconnoitre shoud confirm his report of 
the position of the Enemy and that the Fleet should in 
the mean time facilitate the junction of the Medea. 

Thomas Graves 
(Signed) Samuel Hood 
Copy Francis Samuel Drake 

T. Graves 

Endorsed (6) | The Resolve of a Council of War | held 
on board H M S London | on the 13th September 

1781. I E I In R A Graves's Letter | Dated 14 Sepr. 
1781. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at Sandy Hook 22d Septr. 178 1. 
Sir:— 

I beg you will be pleased to acquaint their Lordships 
with my having receiv'd their dispatches of the 24th 
July by ye Lively Sloop of War, directed to Vice Ad- 
miral Arbuthnot. — Also the several duplicates of their 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

dispatches of the Third, fourth, Eighteenth and Twenty 
Second of May last — all of which I beg you will be 
pleased to assure their Lordships shall be paid every 
possible attention to. 
I am 

Sir your most Obedt. 

humble Servant 
Philip Stephens, Esqre: Thos. Graves. 

Admiralty Office 
London. 

Endorsed 2 | Letter to Philip Stephens Esqr. | 22 Septr. 
1781 I I^ 3 Nov. 1781. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at New York 23d Septr. 178 1. 
Sir— 

I beg leave through you to lay before the Lords Com- 
missioners of the Admiralty the situation of Captain 
Mark Robinson, who in the action ofif Cape Henry 
Virginia on the 5 Septr: last, commanded His Majestys 
Shrewsbury. — 

Captain Robinson led the British fleet consisting of 
nineteen sail of line of battle ships into action against 
the fleet of France, consisting of twenty four sail of the 
line; and when the Signal for close action was made, 
bore down and engaged the headmost Ship of the enemy 
in a very spirited and gallant manner; during the course 
of the action he had the misfortune to lose his left leg, 
his first lieutenant was killed and thirteen men, and 

[8s: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

fifty one besides himself wounded. The urgent neces- 
sity for the fleet going to Sea so soon as possible made 
it necessary for a man upwards of sixty years of age 
after a recent amputation, to request to be superceded 
in his command, though then at New York North 
America, one of the most expensive places in the World. 
These circumstances taken together call upon me in 
a particular manner to recommend Captain Mark Rob- 
inson to their Lordships favor and protection. — 
I am 
Sir 
Your most obedient 

Humble Servant 
Philip Stephens Esqr: Thos. GRAVES. 

Endorsed Reed, ii Febry | 1782 

Minute 30 May | own rect. | let him know their | Ldps 
recomdatn. | to N Bd. for a | Pension of £300 a yr. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO GEORGE JACKSON^ ^ ] 

Barfleur, ofif the Delaware, i6th of September, 178 1. 
Going to New York. 
Private 
My dear Jackson : — 

On the 5th instant, about 10 A.M., one of the look-out 
frigates made the signal for a fleet, and at eleven we 
plainly discovered twenty-four sail of French ships of 

^ Assistant Secretary of the Admiralty. 

^ This and following letters of Hood to Jackson are from Letters 
of Sir Samuel Hood (later Viscount Hood), edited by David Han- 
nay, forming Vol. HI, Publications of the British Navy Records 
Society. 

1:863 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

the line and two frigates at anchor about Cape Henry, 
with their top sail yards hoisted aloft as a signal for 
getting under sail. Soon after they began to come out 
in a line of battle ahead, but by no means regular and 
connected, which afforded the British fleet a most glori- 
ous opening for making a close attack to manifest ad- 
vantage, but it was not embraced; and as the French 
fleet was close hauled and the English line steered large, 
the two vans got pretty near, at four, when the signal 
for battle was hoisted — that part of the enemy's fleet 
being to windward of their centre, and the centre to 
windward of their rear. Our centre then upon a wind 
began to engage at the same time, but at a most im- 
proper distance (and the London had the signal for 
close action flying, as well as the signal for the line 
ahead at half a cable was under her topsails, with the 
main topsail to the mast, though the enemy's ships were 
pushing on), and our rear being barely within random 
shot did not fire while the signal for the line was flying. 
No. I contains my sentiments upon the truly unfortu- 
nate day, as committed to writing the next morning, and 
which I mentioned to Mr. Graves when I attended his 
first summons on board the London. On the 6th it was 
calm the whole day, and in the evening Mr. Drake and 
I were sent for, when Mr. Graves communicated to us 
intelligence he had received from the captains of the 
Medea and Iris, who had reconnoitred the Chesapeake, 
which was as follows : That a ship of the line, a 40-gun 
ship, and a frigate, were at anchor between the Horse 
Shoe Shoal and York Rivers, and that they saw three 
large ships coming down the bay, w^hich they thought 
v^ere of the line. Mr. Graves also made known to us 
a letter from Sir H. Clinton to General Earl Corn- 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

wallis, which he was desired to convey to his Lordship, 
if possible. The Richmond and Iris were detached 
upon that service, I fear to be cut off, and think the 
whole squadron should have gone; they might then not 
only most effectually have succoured Lord Cornwallis, 
but have destroyed the enemy's ships there. On the 7th 
and 8th, the enemy being to windward, had an oppor- 
tunity of attacking us if they pleased, but showed no 
sort of inclination for it. On the 9th, the French fleet 
carried a press of sail, which proved to me beyond a 
doubt that De Grasse had other views than fighting, 
and I was distressed that Mr. Graves did not carry all 
the sail he could also, and endeavour to get off the 
Chesapeake before him; it appeared to me to be a 
measure of the utmost importance to keep the French 
out, and if they did get in they should first beat us. In- 
stead of that, Mr. Graves put his Majesty's squadron 
on a contrary course just at dark, and at 8 o'clock made 
the signal and lay to. At daylight next morning noth- 
ing was to be seen of the French fleet from the Barfleur. 
This alarmed me exceedingly, and I debated with my- 
self some little time whether I should venture to write 
Mr. Graves a few lines or not, as it is rather an awk- 
ward and unpleasant business to send advice to a senior 
oflicer. However, I at last took courage to do it, and 
having made the signal for my repeating frigate to 
come under the Barfleur's stern sent her with the letter 
of which No. 2 is a copy. This occasioned another sum- 
mons to Mr. Drake and me on board the London, when 
I found, to my very great astonishment, Mr. Graves as 
ignorant as myself where the French fleet was, and that 
no frigates were particularly ordered (for we had sev- 
eral with us) to watch and bring an account of the 

CSS] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

enemy's motions. The question was put to me, what 
was most proper to be done? to which I replied that 
I thought the letter I had taken the liberty to send had 
fully and clearly explained what my sentiments were, 
but if it was wished I should say more, it could only be 
that we should get into the Chesapeake to the succour 
of Lord Cornwallis and his brave troops if possible, but 
that I was afraid the opportunity of doing it was passed 
by, as doubtless De Grasse had most effectually barred 
the entrance against us, which was what human pru- 
dence suggested we ought to have done against him. 
On the 13th, early in the morning, I received the note 
No. 3 from Mr. Graves, and No. 4 is my answer to it, 
which again called Mr. Drake and me on board the 
London. When the resolution contained in the paper 
No. 5 was taken, there was nothing else left to be done, 
irksome and much to be lamented as the alternative was. 
I unbosom myself to you in great confidence that you 
will not show what I write to a single soul. With every 
affectionate wish for health and happiness to you and 
yours, I am, my dear Jackson, 

Your most faithful and sincere 

S. H. 



Enclosure i 

[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD'S "SENTIMENTS UPON THE 
TRULY UNFORTUNATE DAY" ] 

Coast of Virginia, 6th of September, 1781. 
Yesterday the British fleet had a rich and most plen- 
tiful harvest of glory in view, but the means to gather 
it were omitted in more instances than one. 

C89D 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

I may begin with observing that the enemy's van was 
not very closely attacked as it came out of Lynn Haven 
Bay, which, I think, might have been done with clear 
advantage, as they came out by no means in a regular 
and connected way. When the enemy's van was out it 
was greatly extended beyond the centre and rear, and 
might have been attacked with the whole force of the 
British fleet. Had such an attack been made, several of 
the enemy's ships must have been inevitably demolished 
in half an hour's action, and there was a full hour and 
half to have engaged it before any of the rear could have 
come up. 

Thirdly, when the van of the two fleets got into 
action, and the ships of the British line were hard 
pressed, one (the Shrewsbury) totally disabled very 
early from keeping her station by having her fore and 
main topsail yards shot away, which left her second 
(the Intrepid) exposed to two ships of superior force, 
which the noble and spirited behaviour of Captain 
Molloy^ obliged to turn their sterns to him, that the 
signal was not thrown out for the van ships to make 
more sail to have enabled the centre to push on to the 
support of the van, instead of engaging at such an im- 
proper distance (the London having her main topsail 
to the mast the whole time she was firing with the signal 
for the line at half a cable flying), that the second ship 
astern of the London received but trifling damage, and 
the third astern of her (the London) received no dam- 
age at all, which most clearly proves how much too 
great the distance w^as the centre division engaged. 

^ This is the Captain Molloy who afterward, in a less "happy 
hour of command," incurred so much discredit on the 1st of June, 
1794. (Navy Records Society, III, 32.) 

1:90] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Now, had the centre gone to the support of the van, 
and the signal for the line been hauled down, or the 
commander-in-chief had set the example of close action, 
even with the signal for the line flying, the van of the 
enemy must have been cut to pieces, and the rear divi- 
sion of the British fleet would have been opposed to 
those ships the centre division fired at, and at the proper 
distance for engaging, or the Rear-Admiral who com- 
manded it would have a great deal to answer for. In- 
stead of that, our centre division did the enemy but 
little damage, and our rear ships being barely within 
random shot, three only fired a few shot. So soon as the 
signal for the line was hauled down at twenty-five min- 
utes after five the rear division bore up, above half a 
mile to leeward of the centre division, but the French 
ships bearing up also, it did not near them, and at 
twenty-five minutes after six the signal of the line ahead 
at half a cable being again hoisted, and the signal for 
battle hauled down, Rear-Admiral Sir S. Hood called 
to the Monarch (his leader) to keep her wind, as he 
dared not separate his division just at dark, the London 
not bearing up at all. 

N.B. — This forenoon Captain Everett came on 
board the Barfleur with a message from Rear-Admiral 
Graves to Rear-Admiral Sir S. Hood, desiring his opin- 
ion whether the action should be renewed. Sir Sam- 
uel's answer was: 'I dare say Mr. Graves will do what 
is right; I can send no opinion, but whenever he, Mr. 
Graves, wishes to see me, I will wait upon him with 
great pleasure.' 



C90 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure 2 

[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

Barfleur, at Sea, loth of September, 178 1. 
Sir:— 

I flatter myself you will forgive the liberty I take in 
asking whether you have any knowledge where the 
French fleet is, as we can see nothing of it from the 
Barfleur. 

By the press of sail De Grasse carried yesterday (and 
he must even have done the same the preceding night, 
by being where [he] was at daylight), I am inclined to 
think his aim is the Chesapeake, in order to be strength- 
ened by the ships there, either by adding them to his 
present force, or by exchanging his disabled ships for 
them. Admitting that to be his plan, will he not cut 
off the frigates you have sent to reconnoitre, as well as 
the ships you expect from New York? And if he should 
enter the Bay, which is by no means improbable, will 
he not succeed in giving most effectual succour to the 
rebels? 

I trust you will pardon the offer of my humble sen- 
timents, as they are occasioned by what passed between 
us, when I had the honour of attending your summons 
on board the London, on the 8th, in the evening. 
I am, Sir, 
Your most obedient, humble Servant, 

(Signed) Sam. Hood. 

Rear-Admiral Graves, &c., &c., &c. 

[92] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Endorsed. — A copy of a letter from Rear-Admiral Sir 
S. Hood to Rear-Admiral Graves, loth of September, 
1781. 



Enclosure 3 
[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO REAR ADMIRAL HOOD ] 

Admiral Graves presents his compliments to Sir Sam- 
uel Hood and begs leave to acquaint that the Medea 
has just made the signal to inform him that the French 
fleet are at anchor above the Horse Shoe in Chesapeake, 
and desires his opinion what to do with the fleet, and 
how to dispose of the Princesa. 

London, Thursday Morning, 6 o'clock. 

Endorsed. — Copy of a note from Rear-Admiral Graves 
to Rear-Admiral Sir S.Hood,with Sir Samuel's answer, 
13th of September, 178 1. 



Enclosure 4 

[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

Rear Admiral Sir Samuel Hood presents his compli- 
ments to Rear-Admiral Graves. Is extremely con- 
cerned to find by his note just received that the French 
fleet is at anchor in the Chesapeake above the Horse 
Shoe, though it is no more than what he expected, as the 
press of sail the fleet carried on the 9th and in the night 

C93II 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

of the 8th made it very clear to him what De Grasse's 
intentions were. Sir Samuel would be very glad to send 
an opinion, but he really knows not what to say in the 
truly lamentable state we have brought ourselves. 

Barfleur, Thursday Morning, 13th of September, 
7 A.M. 

Endorsed. — Copy of a note from Rear-Admiral Sir 
S. Hood to Rear-Admiral Graves, 13th of September, 
1781. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at Sandy Hook the 26th Septr., 1781. 
Sir:— 

When my last dispatch was made up and sent away 
by the Medea I had not received the several accounts 
from the Chesapeake, which shew that the French fleet 
arrived off Cape Henry the same day that Rear Ad- 
miral Sir Samuel Hood with the Leeward Island 
Squadron arrived off Sandy Hook. The last advices 
from the Chesapeake dated the 8th & i6th Sept'r from 
Captain Symonds of His Majesty's ship Charon marked 
letter A shew the state of preparation on the Naval part 
there. 

The letters marked B and C, from Earl Cornwallis, 
the Engineers, and the several Captains report of Old 
Point Comfort and Hampton road, were sent by the 
Pearl frigate into Boston Bay, and did not come to my 
hands until the 15. inst. and at this time only seems to 
show that the Cheasapeak was an early object of atten- 

1:94: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

tion — The Prudent and several frigates of the West 
India Squadron with dispatches for Rear Admiral Sr. 
Samuel Hood, joined the fleet as it was returning to 
the Hook. 

The enclosed letter marked D from Captain Bazely 
of the Amphion, will show the effect of the descent 
upon New London. 

The last letters from Captain Biggs of the Amphi- 
trite in Boston bay dated the loth Septr. mention his 
having taken in company with the General Monk four 
prizes, and of his having fallen in with on the 4th off 
Cape Ann two French Ships, one a Ship of the line, the 
other a large frigate, and was chaced by them. Captain 
Biggs likewise acquaints me that the Magicienne 
French frigate had been taken by the Chatham Captain 
Douglas on the 2d inst. off Cape Ann and carried away 
for Halifax, in the action the French lost sixty men 
killed and forty wounded in the Chatham, one killed 
one wounded. 

Captain Mowatt in a letter from Penobscot dated the 
7th inst. acquaints me with the arrival of the Charles- 
town and Vulture Sloop on the 4th Septr. at that place, 
with two victuallers for the garrison there, and that they 
had proceeded with a third to St. Johns river, and were 
to convoy the Young William mast Ship from thence 
to Halifax, where she is to be taken up by the Warwick 
or Chatham and brought to New York. 

Captain Mowatt confirms an account we had seen in 
the Rebel papers of the Astrea and Hermionne French 
frigates having fallen in with the Charles-town, Alle- 
giance and Vulture off Spanish River Cape Breton, as 
they were convoying the coal Ships and some victuallers 
for the St. Lawrence bound to Quebec. In the action 

1:953 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Captain Evans was killed, but gives no further par- 
ticulars of our loss, nor have I received any later ac- 
counts though the Rebel papers mention their privateers 
having taken most of the convoy. 

Captain Evans's zeal and ardour led him into this 
unfortunate dilemma, for the Warwick and Garland 
arrived at Halifax with the Quebec fleet after a passage 
of seven days, and the Assurance would have been re- 
masted and ready to accompany him in eight days, and 
had he waited, would probably have turned the catas- 
trophe; but he was anxious to give way to the pressing 
solicitations of General Haldimand, and joined the 
victuallers to his coal convoy. 

Whilst the fleet was ofif the Cheasapeak I sent the 
Solebay to cruise off Charles-town^ to acquaint the 
commanding officers there of the French fleet being in 
possession of the Cheasapeak and to warn any Ships or 
convoys, of the danger in approaching the Capes of 
Virginia; And I ordered the Iris to cruize off Cape 
Henry; and as I came to the Northward I added the 
Nymphe and Pearl to watch the motions of the enemys 
fleet, and to bring the earliest intelligence. 

Upon my return to Sandy Hook with the fleet on the 
20th I was agreeably surprized to find that three of the 
Pegasus's convoy of victuallers had arrived at New 
York but from the length of time the bread had been on 
board, very little of it is fit to eat. I must beg leave to 
mention the bad effects which attend the manner of 
stowing the Navy victuallers, the salt provisions and 
rum are constantly stowed in coals, which is always 
found to heat to such a degree, that the pickle is dried 
up and the meat stinks and is seldom fit to eat, the rum- 
^ Charleston, S. C, long called Charlestown. 

C96] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

casks damaged, and a very great waste of that expensive 
article, the great heat of the hold also injures the dry 
provisions and renders it generally bad. The army 
victuallers having no coals, their provisions are gener- 
ally good, which is next to demonstration. 

I beg leave earnestly to recommend that the method 
of stowing the provisions with coals may be forbidden, 
as a method wasteful to Government and injurious to 
the Seamen, and probably a cause of diseases raging so 
much amongst the seamen in this climate. 

[[The critical situation of afifairs in the Cheasapeak 
occasioned the consultation of flag and general officers 
— when it seemed to be the opinion of the army that no 
diversion which they cou'd make by land would afford 
relief to Lord Cornwallis, that unless the Navy Cou'd 
land them in York or James Rivers, they saw very little 
probability before them: The State of the Cheasapeak, 
the Strength and Situation of the enemy's fleet, and the 
condition of our own were consider'd, and it was con- 
cluded upon, that the Ships of war Shou'd take on 
board what provisions they could for the army, embark 
the General Sr. Henry Clinton and six thousand troops 
if possible, and so soon as it cou'd be got ready, to make 
an attempt to force its way, and that three fire-Ships 
shou'd be added to the one already here which are now 
preparing with every possible exertion, and it was hoped 
the whole might be ready in ten days]] 

The arrival of Rear Admiral Digby on the same 
evening (the 21st) in the Prince George, with the Can- 
ada and Lion, whilst we were together gave the greatest 
Satisfaction. 

[The whole fleet are as busy as they can be but I am 
very apprehensive that so much as is wanted to the fleet, 

C97] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

such a poverty of every kind of Stores and provisions, 
and so much to do for the army afterwards, will con- 
sume more time than was foreseen. Every exertion of 
mine and of any other officer in the fleet I may venture 
to affirm will not be wanting — ] 

I am sorry to find too much reason to believe the ac- 
count of the naval losses in Captain Symonds's letter of 
the 1 6th, and to add to it the capture of the Savage 
Captn. Stirling after a very gallant defence. 

Enclosed you will receive a Rebel newspaper con- 
taining the best account of the French Fleet in the Ches- 
apeake exclusive of the Rhode Island Squadron, of any 
I have been able to procure. 
I am, Sir, 

Your Most Obedient 

Humble Servant 
Philip Stephens, Esqr. Thos. GRAVES. 

Endorsed No. i | Letter to Philip Stephens, Esqr. | 26 
Septr. 1 78 1 I from | Rear Adml. Graves | I^ 3 Nov. 
1781 I 



Enclosure A 
[ LORD CORNWALLIS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

(^ ^^P^") Portsmouth, 26 July 1781 

Sir:— 

I was honored with your Letter of the 12th of July 
by the Solebay, in which you mention a Desire of hav- 
ing a Harbour secured in the Cheasapeake for Line of 

[98] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Battle Ships. I immediately ordered the Engineers to 
examine Old Point Comfort, and went thither myself 
with the Captains of the Navy on this Station. 

You will receive a Copy of the Engineer's Report, 
with a Sketch of the Peninsula, and the Opinion of 
the Officers of the Navy relative to the Occupying and 
fortifying of that Post: — The Commander in Chief 
having signified to me in his Letter of the nth Inst, 
that he thought a secure Harbour for Line of Battle 
Ships of so much Importance in the Chesapeak that he 
wished me to possess one, even if it should occupy all 
the Force at present in Virginia; and as it is our Unani- 
mous Opinions, that Point Comfort will not answer the 
Purpose; I shall immediately seize and fortify the Posts 
of York and Glocester, and shall be happy at all times 
to concur in any Measures which may promote the Con- 
venience & Advantage of His Majesty's Navy. 
I have the Honour to be 
Sir 
Your most Obedient & 

most humble Servant 

CORNWALLIS. 
Rear Admiral Graves 
&ca. &ca. &ca. 

A Copy. 

T. Graves 

Endorsed 4 | Copy of Lord Cornwallis | Letter of the 
26th of July 1 78 1 I relative to Old Point Comfort | B 
I In Ad. Graves's Lre | 26 Septr. | 1^ 3d Novr. | 



[99: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Enclosure B 

[ CAPTAINS HUDSON, SYMONDS AND EVERITT 
TO LORD CORNWALLIS ] 

(A Copy) 

TUT J A Richmond Hampton Road, 24 July 178 1 

I[n] Consequence of a Requisition that your Lord- 
ship received from the Commander in Chief of His 
Majesty's Troops and Ships, relative to a Post at Old 
Point Comfort, for the Protection and Security of the 
Kings Ships, that m[a]y Occasionally be sent to the 
Chesapeak, 

We whose names are hereunto subscribed, have taken 
as Accurate a Survey of that Place as possible, and are 
unanimously of Opinion from the Width of the Chan- 
nel and depth of Water close to it, that any Superior 
Enemys Force coming in, may pass any Work that can 
possibly be Established there, with little Damage, or 
destroy it, with the Ships that may be there under its 
Protection. 
We have the Honor to be 

My Lord | Your Lordships most Obedient 

very humble Servants 
Charles Hudson. 
Thomas Symonds. 
The Right Honble. C. H. EVERITT. 

Lieut. General Earl Cornwallis 
&ca. &ca. &ca. Portsmouth. 
A Copy 

T. Graves 



'^ke cJoazfUwc 

cfioin "'S'/it' S&ing' 6 Ship-h ' ^y couztcdy of u. c^^*. Maxkcx c.loxoi. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Enclosure B 



\T 



S HUDSON, SYMONDS AND EVERITT 
TO LORl^ CORNWALLIS ] 

Hampton id. July 1781 

ucnce of a Requisition that your Lord- 

mander in Chief of His 

relative to a Post at Old 

.ction and Security of the 

^»s!^^®S^a^^y ^^ sent to the 

VH "^?^ •^>^>^^'^*='^^'Mii'*fW*b^^|5^^ave4aken 

Place as possible, and are 

n the Width of the Chan- 

c to it, that any Superior 

may pass any Work that can 

■ ?, with little Damage, or 

■ :^^^ Luat may be there under its 



Lordships most Obedient 
very humble Servants 
Charles Hudson. 
Thomas Symonds. 
c. h. everitt. 

lis 



T. Graves 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Endorsed 5 | Copy of Captain Hudsons, | Symonds, 
and Everitts, | report of Old Point Comfort | B | In 
[I. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 26 Sepr. 1781. 



Enclosure C 

[ LIEUTENANT SUTHERLAND TO LORD CORNWALLIS ] 

A Copy 

Billy Ordnance Transport 
Hampton Road, 25 July 1781. 

Agreeable to Your Orders, I have examined the 
Ground on Old Point Comfort with as much accuracy 
as I possibly could, and for Your Lordships' better in- 
formation I have made a Survey of the Ground, upon 
which is laid down the Width and Soundings of the 
Channel. 

I beg leave to oEtv what appears to me respecting 
the Situation of a Work on that Spot. 

The Ground where the Ruins of Fort George lays, is 
the fittest for a Work, but at the same time must be 
attended with many Inconveniencies. 

The Level of the Ground there, is not above two feet 
higher than the high Water Mark, which from a very 
short Distance to the Deep Water must be destroyed by 
a Naval Attack; — The Great Width and Depth of the 
Channel, gives Ships the Advantage of passing the Fort 
with very little risque; I apprehend, fifteen hundred 
Yards is too great a distance for Batteries to stop Ships, 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

which is the Distance here; Ships that wish to pass the 
Fire of the Fort, have no Occasion to approach near. 

Nor do I imagine a Fort built there could afford any 
Great Protection to an inferior and weak Fleet, an- 
chored near the Fort, against a Superior Fleet of the 
Enemy which must have it in their Power to make their 
Own Disposition and place our Fleet between them and 
the Fort, the Channel affording no Bay for the Security 
of Ships under cover of a Fort. 

The Time and Expense to build a Fort there, must 
be very considerable, from the low Situation of the 
Ground, which must necessarily cause the Soil to be 
moved from a considerable Distance to form the Ram- 
parts and Parapets, and every other Material must be 
carried there, as the Timber on the Peninsula is unfit 
for any Purpose. 

These are the Remarks which have occurred to me 
on examining the Ground, a Situation of a Work on 
Old Point Comfort, for the Protection of the Harbour 
and Fleet, which I humbly submit to your Lordship. 

I have the Honor to be with great Respect Your 
Lordships most Obedt. & very humble Servt. 

Alexr. Sutherland 
The Rt. Honble. ^t. Engineer. 

Lt. General Earl Cornwallis &ca. &ca. &ca. 

The above is a copy 
A Copy Charles Hudson 

T. Graves. 

Endorsed 6 | Copy of the Engineer's | Report of Old 
Point Comfort | C | In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 
26 Sepr. 1781. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure D 
[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

Sir:— 

I did myself the Honor to acquaint you by the Whale 
Boat Resolution, with the number of the Enemys Ships 
that had arrived within the Capes and the force they 
were then supposed to be, and sent a Duplicate and 
Triplicate by the Mary Schooner and Guadaloupes 
Whale Boat, since which I am informed it is the Fleet 
from the West Indies, Commanded by Compte de 
Grasse, consisting of upwards of Twenty Ships of the 
Line, some say twenty five and four Frigates, with some 
armed Ships. 

Their Troops are landed in James River, and the 
Boats supposed to be come down. 

Since the first Blockade by the Triton and two Frig- 
ates, they were joined ofif the Rivers Mouth (but more 
advanced) by the Glorieux and Valiant. 

On Thursday there was an appearance of an attack 
with the Ships but in the Afternoon one of the large 
ones weighd, and ran out of sight, and was followed yes- 
terday by the remaining Ships, last Night I sent down 
two Schooner Boats to Reconnoitre them, who returned 
this afternoon, and the Lieut, of the Charon informs 
me, that this Morning one Line of Battle Ship weighd 
from the East side of Towers Marsh, and ran down the 
Bay, and two Frigates which were in Company with 
her dropt down soon afterwards, and remain now at 
the Horse Shoe. A Large Schooner coming down from 

C1033 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Hampton prevented the Look out Boats from venturing 
too near Lynn haven Bay, but from the distance they 
were from it, tho' Cloudy, the Lieut, thinks, had there 
been a Fleet there. He should have seen it. 

Most of the Cannon and Ammunition of the Charon 
are landed and great part of the Crew in Tents and 
employed in enlarging the Sea Battery, and assisting 
the Army, the Guadaloupe is moor'd head and stern, 
opposite a Creek above York Town to enfilade a Gulley 
should the Enemy attempt to cross it. 

The Foweys Ammunition and Provisions are ashore, 
and She is hauled close in, and her Men assisting at the 
Batteries. The Bonetta at Gloucester side. Captain 
Dundas ashore with his Officers and Men to man the 
Batteries, assisted by thirty of the Foweys Men. 

Captain Palmer of the Vulcan, lays prepared to Act 
should the Enemys Ships return, and come up, and has 
three Horse Vessels, fitted, to act on the same Service. 

I have only to wish, whenever an opportunity offers, 
a Supply of Provisions may be sent for his Majestys 
Ships. 

I send this by a Vessel belonging to the Quarter Mas- 
ter Generals Department and have the honor to be 
Sir 

Your most Obedient 

and most humble Servant. 

Thos. Symonds 

Charon York River 
Virga. 8 Septr. 1781 
Rear Admiral Graves &ca. &ca. 



[104:1 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure E 

[ INTELLIGENCE FROM HAMPTON ROADS ] 

A Person who was at Buckroe a little before Sun 
down yesterday Evening, says he had a view of James 
River, all Hampton Road, The Capes and Horse Shoe, 
and he could only observe two Ships in Hampton Road, 
two as low as the Cape, two Ships and a Brig, one of 
which was working down, one Ship and a Brig at 
Anchor by the Swash of the Horse Shoe, two small Ves- 
sels near them, and two Boats near Willoughby Point. 
He adds in a Postscript, the night of the 4th, Morning 
of the 5th, Night of the 5th, and Morning of the 6th, 
a Firing was certainly heard far without the Capes. 

Dated 7th. Septr: 1781. 



Enclosure F 

[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

A Copy. 

A Letter from another Person, enclosed in the above 
Intelligence says that the French Ships have left their 
Station after some Fleet, some say it is a Fleet from the 
SoWd, others report it is possible to be a Fleet from 
New York, but no certainty of either, and adds that the 
French Boats are come down James River, and are 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

gone to [New] York, and that it is reported Three 
thousand French Troops, will be landed in Gloucester 
or in its Neighborhood. 

T. Graves. 

Endorsed J \ Copy of Capt Symonds Letter | from 
York River, dated the | 7th and 8th September 1781. | 
A I In R. A. Graves's Letter dated 26 Sepr. 1781. 



Enclosure G 
[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

P^ Charon York River Virginia, i6th Sepr. 1781. 
Sir— 

On the 8th instant I did myself the honor to acquaint 
you of the enemy's motions and the position of His 
Majesty's Ships to act for the protection of this post 
and sent a duplicate by another Vessel the same even- 
ing. 

On the 12 I received certain information of an officer 
who was in the look-out-boat, that twenty large Ships 
were at anchor between the Horse Shoe and York Spit, 
and the next day I saw eleven or twelve Ships go up the 
Cheasapeak, four of which appeared to be frigates, and 
the same afternoon two Ships of the line and a frigate 
anchored at the mouth of this River and have continued 
ever since, and four line of battle Ships went up the Bay 
and anchored off the Patuxent. 

This morning I learn that General Washington is 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

arrived at Williamsburg, that ten men of war are lying 
just below Egg Islands, and the body of the enemys fleet 
at the Horse shoe and that the Squadron from Rhode 
Island had joined the Compte de Grasse, and that their 
number consisted of thirty six Sail of the line besides 
frigates, that the ships that went up the bay were mostly 
transports and intended to bring down troops from 
Baltimore, and that as soon as they arrive at the enemys 
encampment, York will be attacked both by land and 
Sea. 

I am happy to add that the Seamen work w^ith the 

greatest Spirits and exertion in cutting down wood for 

redoubts or Co-operating in any piece of Service Lord 

Cornwallis is desirous of having them employed on. — 

I have the honor to be | Sir 

Your most Obedient and | most humble Servant 

Thomas Symonds. 

Rear Admiral Graves 

P.S. A flag of truce which I sent to the French Ships 
advanced at the requisition of Lord Cornwallis, is this 
morning returned and brought up Lieut. Conway of 
His Majesty's late Sloop Cormorant, which was cap- 
tured by the French fleet, as were also the Sandwich 
armed Ship and South Carolina pacquet, the latter hav- 
ing Lord Rawdon on board, and I am Sorr}^ to inform 
you that the Richmond and Iris are both taken and now 
in Lynne haven bay. 

A Copy T. Graves 

Endorsed 6 | i6th Septr. 1781 | Copy of Captain Sy- 
monds letter | dated York river Virginia | A | In R. A. 
Graves's Letter | dated 26 Sepr. 1781. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 
Enclosure H 

[CAPTAIN BAZELY TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

(Copy) 

Amphion off New London, 8th Septr. 1781. 
Sir— 

I have the satisfaction to inform you that I arrived 
off this port at 2 A.M., on the 6th instant, at which time 
an unfortunate change of wind took place directly out 
of the harbour, which prevented my anchoring till ^ 
past 6. I then disposed of the armed vessels and Trans- 
ports agreeable to Brigadier General Arnolds wishes, 
in order to effect a covering and landing of the troops, 
which was completed by nine oClock. The armed ves- 
sels and boats I immediately afterwards ordered to be 
put in preparation under the direction of Captain Shep- 
herd of the Recovery, to proceed up the River and act 
in conjunction with the Army, at any moment their 
assistance was required to and in effecting the destruc- 
tion of the port of New London &ca agreeable to your 
orders, which would have finally taken place, but for 
the alarm guns which were fired from the forts at day 
break, by this means I was deprived of getting hold of 
their shipping at anchor in the stream, which with most 
of those at the Wharfs, proceeded some miles up the 
river so far as to prevent by any possible means my tak- 
ing or destroying of them. Those few remaining at the 
Wharfs were burned by the army with the towns on 
both sides, soon after they had got possession of them. 
The ardour and determined conduct shewn by the 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Troops in storming of the ports deserve (in my opin- 
ion) the highest enccomiums. 

I am now proceeding with all possible dispatch with 
the armed vessels and transports to New York. The 
Lurcher armed brig I have dispatched with General 
Arnold's Aid de Camp and Lieut. Burns of the Am- 
phion, who will present you this letter, to whom I beg 
leave to refer you for any further particulars. 
I have the honor to be 

Sir 
Your most Obedient Servant 

Commodore Affleck, &c &c, -^ 

New York. 

A Copy. ^ Q^^^^^ 

Endorsed 9 | Copy of Captain Bazelys | Letter of the 
Destruction of New London | D | In R. A. Graves's 
Letter | Dated 26 Sepr. 178 1. 



Enclosure I 

[ SCHEDULE OF THE CONTENTS OF THIS PACKET ] 

No. I — Letter to Philip Stephens, Esqr. 26 Sepr. 

2 — do. do. acknowledging the 

receipt of their Lordships' dispatches, 22 

Sepr. 
3 — State and Condition of the Fleet on the 19th 

Septr. 178 1. 
4 — Copy of Lord Cornwallis's Letter of the 26th 

July, relative to Old Point Comfort. 

1:1093 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

5 — Copy of Captain Symonds, Hudson's and 
Everitt's report of do. 

6 — Copy of the Engineer's report do. 

7 — Copy of Captain Symond's Letter of the 8th 
Septemr. 

8 — Copy of do. do. i6th 

Septemr. 

9 — Copy of Captain Bazely's Letter of the destruc- 
tion of New London. 
10 — Rebel Newspapers containing a List of the 
French Naval Force in the Chesapeake, ex- 
clusive of those under Monsr. de Barras from 
Rhode Island.^ 
II — Schedule. 

Endorsed 'No. ii | Schedule | In R. A. Graves's Letter 
I Dated 26th Sepr. 178 1. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London off New York the 26th Septr. 1781. 
Sir 

I have received by the Prince George Rear Admiral 
Digby, who arrived off the Bar in company with the 
Canada and Lion on the 24th inst., the Lords Commis- 
sioners of the Admiralty's order of the 19th July, to 
Vice Admiral Arbuthnot, to deliver up to Rear Ad- 
miral Digby appointed Commander in Chief in North 
America, attested copies of all orders relative to the said 
command, and also their Lordships order of the 9th 

^ Not available. 

[no] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

July, directing me to proceed in the London to Jamaica 
to reinforce the Squadron of His Majesty's Ships on 
that Station, and put myself under the command of Vice- 
Admiral Sr. Peter Parker or the Commanding Officer 
of the said Squadron &c &c. Also a letter directed on 
His Majesty's Service to Vice Admiral Sir Peter Par- 
ker or the Commanding Officer for the time being. All 
which I shall comply with so soon as the London can 
be spared from the Service of the Station, of which I 
shall not make myself the judge — their Lordships hav- 
ing been pleased to appoint me to serve where I must 
act in a Subordinate Situation. 

By this conveyance I transmit for their Lordships in- 
formation an account of the Ships purchased and 
armed, for His Majesty's Service the changes and pro- 
motions which have arisen from deaths and other acci- 
dents, of all which I hope their Lordships will be 
pleased to approve. 

I must beg leave to state to their Lordships in my 
own behalf, that being superceded by a junior officer, 
and sent to another Station where I can only be second 
and possibly third in command, after having been 
nearly four years upon severe and very critical Ser- 
vices, imply's such a disapprobation of my conduct as 
will certainly discredit me in the opinion of mankind, 
who are generally inclined to construe mens real Sen- 
timents from their actions. I dare hope their Lord- 
ships will not suffer me to remain long in so painful 
a situation. I am 

Sir 

Your most Obedient 

Humble Servant — 
Philip Stephens Esqr. Thos. GRAVES. 

Cm] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Endorsed Rear Adml. Graves | Letter to Philip Ste- 
phens Esqr. I 26th Septr. 1781 | ^ 3 Nov 1781 | (5 
Inclosures) ^ 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS 
OF THE ADMIRALTY ] 

London off New York the 27th Septr. 178 1 
Sir— 

I beg you will acquaint their Lordships that the Pearl 
frigate arrived of the Hook last night, being detached 
by Captain Ford of the Nymphe, left to watch the mo- 
tions of the enemy in the Cheasapeak, with the enclosed 
intelligence, received from a Cartel bound to this port 
from the Cheasapeak, which he thought it prudent to 
send by a frigate to gain time. 

I am 
Sir 
Your most Obedient 

humble Servant 
Thos. Graves. 
P.S. 
The Warwick from convoying the Quebec fleet, ar- 
rived at the Hook last Evening. 
Philip Stephens Esqr. 

Endorsed 27 Sepr. 178 1 | Rear Adml. Graves \ ^ 3 
Nov I (i Inclosure) 

^ None available. 
[112;] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure 
[ INTELLIGENCE BY THE PEARL CAPTN. MONTAGU ] 

Thursday the 20th Septr. 1781. Sent the first lieuten- 
ant on board the Pensylvania Packet a Cartel from the 
French fleet in the Cheasapeak bound to New York, 
where he gained the following intelligence from a per- 
son who said he had been master of a brig that was 
captured by the French. — 

That the French fleet consisted of thirty six Sail of 
the line mostly of 74 guns — that 28 sail of the line with 
two frigates besides the Richmond and Iris, lay be- 
tween the Capes of Virginia the day they parted, 
(which was the 19th inst.) that two sail of the line and 
some frigates were up the river and that a Squadron of 
six sail of the line were at sea hed did not know where 
they were gone but supposed cruizing and they were in- 
comparable fast sailors. That the French fleet had 
received very little damage in the action in which they 
had 23 Sail of the line and the Romulus he was on 
board one of them during the action several of their 
Ships of the line were up the rivers at the time our fleet 
appeared of¥ and coud not work down — The Rhode 
Island Fleet had not joined the day of action — Genl. 
Washington had joined the French army and had sur- 
rounded Lord Cornwallis. q^^ MoxTAGU. 

(Copy) T.Graves. 

Endorsed Intelligence from the | Cheseapeak by the | 
Pearl | In R. A. Graves' | 27 Sepr. 178 1. 

1:1133 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London in the North River New York 
13th Octr. 1781. 
Sir— 

I am afraid that in the hurry of more important busi- 
ness, the account of captured Ships bought into the Ser- 
vice and commissioned, has not been so regular and full 
as it ought to have been. I will therefore trouble you 
with the detail though it may be a recapitulation. 

In my letter of the 20th Augt. their Lordships were 
acquainted with the distress'd State of the Swift brig- 
antine Sloop of war, which has since been condemned 
as totally unfit for Service. At the same time the 
Avenger and Keppel both Sloops of war, were found 
to be so much damaged as to be kept above water only 
by doubling their bottoms. I therefore ordered to be 
purchased, the Rattlesnake, American privateer Ship of 
18 guns four pounders, prize to the Amphitrite, of 200 
Tons burthen, a very complete vessel almost new and 
requiring nothing more than to secure her magazine 
and build Storerooms. 

At this time the Belisarius privateer Ship of twenty 
nine pounders and four small guns was brought in by 
the Medea and Amphitrite. It was her first cruise she 
was remarkably well constructed and quite new, of five 
hundred tons and thought to be the most complete ves- 
sel ever taken from the Americans. I therefore pur- 
chased her and put her upon the establishment of a 
twenty-four gun ship that she might not be bought by 
American agents and act against us in a short time. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

The Swallow Sloop of war being burned and the 
Rover Sloop of war wreck'd in the month of August, I 
order'd the Aurora-American Ship privateer of eigh- 
teen six pounders, prize to the Royal Oak to be pur- 
chased as she was a well built vessel, of exceeding good 
dimensions, large and esteem'd to sail remarkably fast, 
of three hundred tons burthen, and put her upon the 
Sloop established [establishment?] and called her the 
Mentor. 

The 24h Septem: a Council of War of General and 
Flag Officers determining that three fireships should 
be added to the Fleet then refitting to go against the 
enemy, the Elizabeth, Empress of Russia, and Loyal 
Club, were chosen from amongst the transports for that 
Service and commission'd by the names of the Lucifer, 
Volcano, and Conflagration. 

I flatter myself their Lordships will be satisfied with 
the propriety of my conduct in these several purchases, 
and that it was necessary to keep up the number of small 
active vessels for the protection of this very extensive 
coast. 

The several promotions and appointments occasioned 
by those purchases, as well as those arising from deaths 
and other accidents will be brought together in one 
table, and I hope will meet with their Lordships appro- 
bation and be confirmed according to the dates of their 
Several appointments. 

I am 

Sir 
Your most Obedient 

Humble Servant 
Thos. Graves. 
Philip Stephens Esqr. 

C115] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Endorsed No. i | Rear Adml. Graves | Letter to Philip 
Stephens Esqr. | 13th Octr 178 1 | ^ 14 Nov. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO GEORGE JACKSON ] 

Barfleur, Sandy Hook, 14th of October, 178 1. 
Duplicate. 

My dear Jackson: — 

I wrote you by the last packet, a duplicate of which 
you will have by another packet or the Lively. Both 
have been said to sail day after day for several past. 
Whichever this goes by you shall have a duplicate by 
the other, from the desire I have of telling you what 
really passes here — though, by-the-by, I am monstrous 
angry with you for not writing me a line by the August 
packet, as you must know she would find me upon this 
coast. 

On the 24th of last month I attended a consultation 
of generals and admirals at Sir H. Clinton's, when it 
was agreed to attempt by the united efforts of army and 
navy to relieve Lord Cornwallis in the Chesapeake, and 
I proposed to have three or four fireships immediately 
prepared, with which the enemy's fleet may possibly be 
deranged and thrown into some confusion, and thereby 
give a favourable opening for pushing through it. This 
was approved, and upwards of 5,000 troops are to be 
embarked in the King's ships. While this business was 
under deliberation, word was brought that Rear-Ad- 
miral Digby with the Canada and Lion were off the 
Bar, and as the wind was against their entering the 
port, I went out to the Prince George next morning 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

early, and had the happiness to find his Royal High- 
ness,^ and all on board, in most perfect health. I thank 
God the disabled ships are now ready, and but for an 
accident of the Alcides driving on board the Shrews- 
bury and carrying away her bowsprit and foreyard, I 
imagine all the ships would have been here this day; 
but I hope and trust they will be down tomorrow, and 
that we shall be moving the day after if the wind will 
permit. Every moment, my dear Jackson, is prescious ; 
and I flattered myself when we came in that we should 
ere this have been in the Chesapeake, but the repairs of 
the squadron have gone on unaccountably tedious, 
which has filled me with apprehension that we shall be 
too late to give relief to Lord Cornwallis. I pray God 
grant my fears may prove abortive! 

It would, in my humble opinion, have been a most 
fortunate event had Mr. Graves gone oflf to Jamaica 
upon Mr. Digby's arrival as commander-in-chief by 
commission, and I am persuaded you will think so too, 
when I relate one circumstance only. On the 7th I 
received a letter from Mr. Graves, desiring I would 
meet the flag officers and some captains, upon a consul- 
tation on board the London at ten o'clock the next 
morning, and acquaint Captain Cornwallis and Cap- 
tain Reynolds that their company was desired also. 
Soon after we were assembled, Mr. Graves proposed, 
and wished to reduce to writing, the following question, 
"Whether it was practicable to relieve Lord Cornwallis 
in the Chesapeake?" This astonished me exceedingly, 
as it seemed plainly to indicate a design of having 
difficulties started against attempting what the generals 
and admirals had most unanimously agreed to, and 
1 Prince William, afterward King William IV. 

[■■7] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

given under their hands on the 24th of last month, and 
occasioned my replying immediately that it appeared 
to me a very unnecessary and improper question, as it 
had been already maturely discussed and determined 
upon to be attempted with all the expedition possible; 
that my opinion had been very strong and pointed 
(which I was ready to give in writing with my name 
to it), that an attempt under every risk should be made 
to force a junction with the troops the commander-in- 
chief embarks in his Majesty's fleet with the army under 
General Earl Cornwallis at York; and admitting that 
junction to be made without much loss, and the pro- 
visions landed, I was also of opinion the first favourable 
opportunity should be embraced of attacking the 
French fleet, though I own to you I think very meanly 
of the ability of the present commanding officer. I 
know he is a cunning man, he may be a good theoretical 
man, but he is certainly a bad practical one, and most 
clearly proved himself on the 5th of last month to be 
unequal to the conducting of a great squadron. If it 
shall please the Almighty to give success to the arms of 
his Majesty in the business we are going upon, I think 
WT shall stand a tiptoe. The Torbay and Prince Wil- 
liam arrived on the 13th, a noble acquisition, and makes 
my heart bound with joy. Why the Chatham is not 
with us also is matter of astonishment to me. With best 
affections to Mrs. Jackson, 

Ever vours most sincerely, 

S. H. 

I trust you will bear in mind that I write to you most 
confidentially. Desperate cases require hold remedies. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at New York — the i6th Octr. 178 1 — 
Sir- 
Be pleased to acquaint their Lordships that the Santa 
Margarita arrived here the yh inst. with her convoy 
from Cork, consisting of forty two sail for New York, 
three only had parted company. Their lordships orders 
by her dated the iih June directed to Vice Admiral 
Arbuthnot I have left with Rear Admiral Digby to 
carry into execution, as well all other orders & regula- 
tions respecting the North American Station. 

The Carysfort which I had sent to Halifax upon my 
returning with the Fleet, returned the 8h and in her 
way back had the good fortune to meet with a mast 
Ship bound to Cape Francois on the French king's 
account with a considerable quantity of masts for large 
Ships ; she had only parted from her convoy a few hours 
before, and at this time of scarcity is a most valuable 
acquisition, there being hardly a spar left in the yard. 
Captain Douglas acquaints me that the money for 
congress came in single men of war vizt. the Sybil, Ma- 
gicienne, and Resolve. The enclosed letter from Sr. 
Andrew Hamond gives an idea of the strength of Hali- 
fax. 

The Janus Captain O'Hara arrived here the 8h 
being part of the Jamaica convoy for Europe sent to this 
place by Captain Bowyer being leaky the ijh Septr. to 
refit, they parted company in the latitude 26° 26' No. 
longitude 70° o' W. the builder reports to me that she 
must be lightend and taken upon the ways before she 
can go to Sea. 

[■■9] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

The Belisarius Sailed on the 8h with dispatches for 
Halifax, and carried the officers appointed to the Magi- 
cienne, which I had order'd to be purchased and was 
fitting at Halifax. The officers who have seen the 
Magicienne represent her as a very capital frigate, new, 
and equal to any of our six and thirtys. I have ap- 
pointed Captain Thomas Graves of the Bedford to the 
command of her, and appointed Captain Scott from 
the Beaumont to take post in the Bedford but as Cap- 
tain Graves who has distinguished himself in the action, 
desired to remain in the Bedford so long as there was 
a prospect of a general action I cou'd not resist so spir- 
ited an ofifer, and therefore sent Captain Scott with an 
order to fit the Magicienne out and bring her to this 
place. 

The Torbay and Prince William arriv'd here the 
iih having parted from the Jamaica convoy the 2it 
Septr. In a gale of wind and they went thro' the gulph 
tho' the convoy went thro' the windward passage. 

The 13 inst. in a squall of wind the Alcide parted her 
cable and fell on board the Shrewsbury which carried 
away her fore yard and bowsprit This ugly accident 
threw us back just at the time the troops were embarked 
to fall down with the first division of the men of war 
from Staten Island to Sandy Hook. Two Ships parted 
their cables at Staten Island, & several drove in the 
North River. 

The Nymphe return'd from cruizing off Cape Henry 
and brought in five prizes taken by her and the Am- 
phion. The Nymphe was never able to look into the 
Cheasapeak the French cruisers constantly chacing ofif 
every thing which appeared. 

The same day came in a dispatch from the Earl Corn- 

D20;] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

wallis which gives us but little prospect of being able to 
effect a relief, I enclose a copy of as much as the Gen- 
eral has communicated of the contents. Captain Sy- 
monds has not given me any account but by the boatmen 
we learn that a transport had taken fire from the 
Enemy's shot and burnt the Charon together with a sec- 
ond transport. 

The Enemy having collected all their Naval strength 
between the Horse Shoe & York Spit plainly pointed 
out that they had little to apprehend from an attempt 
in James river. Lord Cornwallis letter confirms that 
opinion, and I am inclined to beleive that with the ad- 
vantage of position and numbers, they think there is as 
little to apprehend from an attempt to force York 
River. 

The excessive want of stores and provisions and the 
immense repairs wanted for a crazy and shatter'd 
Squadron, with many cross accidents which have inter- 
ven'd, has thrown back the equipment of the Squadron 
to a great distance. They are not quite ready. — They 
are now very short of bread, and all the ovens will not 
keep up the daily consumption — Several Ships have 
parted their cables, others broke their anchors, and 
three been on shore; that I see no end to disappoint- 
ments. 

I am I Sir 

Your most Obedient 

Humble Servant 



Thos. Graves. 



Philip Stephens Esqr. 



Endorsed No 2 | Rear Adml. Graves | Letter to P. Ste- 
phens Esqr. I i6h Octor. 1781 Reed. 14 Nov 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure A 

[ LORD CORNWALLIS TO GENERAL CLINTON ] 

(Copy) 

York Town Virginia, 12 M 

nth October 1781. 
Sir— 

Cochran arrived yesterday, I have only to repeat 
what I said in my Letter of the 3d That nothing but a 
direct move to York River which includes a Successful 
Naval Action can save us. 

The Enemy made their first Parallel on the Night of 
the 6th at the distance of Six Hundred Yards, and per- 
fected it, & Constructed Places of Arms and Batteries 
with great regularity and Caution. On the Evening of 
the 9th their Batteries Opened and have since continued 
firing without intermission, with about Forty Pieces of 
Cannon, mostly heavy, and 16 Mortars from 8 to 16 
Inches, We have lost about Seventy Men, and many of 
our Works are Considerably damaged. 

With such Works on disadvantageous ground against 
so powerful an attack, we cannot hope to make a very 
long Resistance. 

I have the honor to be | &ca. 

Sign'd CORNWALLIS. 

P.S. 5. PM 

Since the above was written 
we have lost Thirty Men. 

Sir Henry Clinton K.B. 

[122] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Endorsed No. 3 | Copy of a Letter from Lord | Corn- 
wallis, dated York Town | Virginia nth October 1781 
I In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated i6h Octr 178 1. | 



Enclosure B 

[ CAPTAIN DOUGLAS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

Copy 

Chatham at Halifax the 7th Septemr. 178 1. 
Sir— 

I have the honor to acquaint you that I arrived here 
yesterday with the French Frigate La Magicienne, of 
thirty-two guns, tvvelve pounders, and two Hundred 
and eighty Men, commanded by the Seiur de la 
Bouchetiere which was taken by His Majesty's Ship 
under my Command on the 2d Instant, about three 
Miles from the Harbour of Boston. The French 
Officer behaved gallantly and engaged the Chatham 
(although close alongside) for half an hour, which 
gave time to a Store Ship which he had under his Con- 
voy from Portsmouth in New Hampshire, to escape into 
Boston. 

The Magicienne is a New Frigate and lately sheathed 
with Copper, She had Thirty two Men killed in the 
Action, and fifty five wounded. I have the satisfaction 
to inform you that only two Men were killed and four 
slightly wounded on board the Chatham. 

I shall remain here only until I can get in a new 

D23] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Main Mast, which will be ready in a few days, and I 
shall then proceed to execute your further Orders. 
I have the honor to be | Sir 
Your most Obedient | humble Servant 

A. J. Douglas. 

Rear Admiral Graves &ca. &ca. &ca. 

Endorsed No 4 | Copy Of Captain Douglases letter | 
upon the Capture of the French | Frigate La Magi- 
cienne, dated | Halifax 7th September 1781. | In R. A. 
Graves's Letter | Dated 16 Octr. 1781. 



Enclosure C 

[ CAPTAIN HAMMOND TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

(Copy) 

Halifax loth September 1781. 
Sir— 

I have received by the Carysfort the Intelligence you 
have been pleased to send hither respecting the Sailing 
of the French Squadron. 

I think it necessary to inform you Sir that although 
this Place is now renderd by its Fortifications extremely 
strong against an Attack from the Enemy, yet the Engi- 
neer has in planning the Defence always reckon'd upon 
a Number of Seamen to Work the Guns. There are in 
several Batteries upwards of 150 Peices of heavy Can- 

C1243 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

non mounted, and the Number of Artillery Men in the 
Garrison does not exceed eighty five Men. 

As there are now in the Harbour more Prisoners than 
can conveniently be accomodated without having an- 
other Prison Ship, I shall send the Cartel which had 
been taken up by Sir Richard Hughes immediately to 
France, with one Hundred Prisoners on board, in which 
will go the French Captain and Lieutenants of the Ma- 
gicienne whom I have exchanged for Captain Gayton, 
and his two Lieutenants. 

I have the honor to be \ Sir 

Your most obedient 

humble Servant 
A S Hammond. 
To 

Rear Admiral Graves 
&ca. &ca. &ca. 

Endorsed No. 5 | Copy of Letter from Sir | Andw. 
Snape Hammond | dated loth Septr. 178 1. | respecting 
the state of the Fortifications | at Halifax. | In R. A. 
Graves's Letter | Dated 16 Octr. 178 1. 



[I2S3 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Enclosure D 



[ LIST OF THE FRENCH FLEET IN THE CHEASAPEAK 

UNDER THE COMMAND OF LIEUT. GENERAL 

COUNT DE GRASSE i8h SEPTR. 1781 ] 



La Ville de Paris 

La Due de Bourgoyne 

La Languedoc 

L'Auguste 

La St. Esprit 

La Northumberland 

La Diademe 

La Souverain 

La Glorieux 

La Citoyen 

La Victoire 

La Desten 

La Palmier 

La Neptune 

La Sceptre 

La Hercules 

La Zele . 

La Bourgogne 

La Caesar 

La V^aliant 

La Scipion 

La Pluton 

La Victor 

La Conquerant 

La Magnanime 



Guns 
104 
80 
84 
84- 
84 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 
74 



.£> La Triton 
E^ La Solitaire 
' ^ La Caton 
E La Marseilles 

St. Eveille 

La Provence 

La Jason . 

La Refleche 

L'Ardent 

L'Experiment 

La Romulus . 

Frigates 

St Andromaque 
La Ralieuse . 
La Surveillante 
La Concorde 
La Gentille 
St Aigrette 
La Diligente 
La Serpente 
St Iris . 
La Richmond 

Sloops 
La Cormorant 
La Loyalist . 



Guns 

64 
64 
64 
64 
64 
64 
64 
64 
64 
50 
44 



r S 



14 
16 



Armed Ship 



Sandurck 



Endorsed List of the French fleet in | the Cheasapeak | 
No 6 in R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 16 octr. 1781. 

[126] 



Enclosure E 

A List of Ships Purchased into His Majestys Service, 
pr. order of Thomas Graves Esqr. Rear Admiral of the 
Red &ca. &ca. &ca. North America between the 27th 
of July 1 78 1, and the 26th of September 1781. 





Sort 

ol 

Vessel 


Name 


Number of 




ased 


c 



c 


B 





I 

i8th 


Ship 


Rattlesnake - - - 


200 


125 


18 


New. Bought in the Room of 
the Swift Sloop, Condemnd as 
unfit for Service. 


tSth 


Ship 


Belisarius - - - - 


500 


160 


24 


Rebel Frigate, New. 


II 


Ship 


Aurora (now called the 
Mentor) 


230 


125 


18 


New. Bought in the room 
of the Rover wreck'd. — 


22 


Ship 


La Magicienne - - 




280 


32 


French Frigate mounting 32 
twelve pounders, allmost new, 
and Copperd. 


25 


Ship 


Empress of Russia, now 
the Volcano Fire Ship 










25 


Ship 


Elizabeth, now the Luci- 
fer Fire Ship. 










25 


Ship 


Loyal Club, now the Con- 
flagration Fire Ship 











Thos. Graves, 



Endorsed No. 7 | A List of Ships Purchased | pr. Order of 
Thos. Graves Esqre. | Rear Adml. of the Red &c &c &c | 
In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 16 Octr, 1 781 

[127] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure F 

[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES ] 

(Copy) 

Charon York River Virginia 29 Septr. 1781. 
Sir 

On the i6h Instant by a Vessel sent express from 
Lord Cornwallis, I did myself the Honor to inform 
you of the Situation of the Enemys Ships and their 
Numbers, as near as I could learn, the Experiment I 
find is one included in their Line. 

The Enemy's movements from Cape Henry to York 
River since that time, has been different, some times 
twenty large Ships have layed for three or four Days 
between Cape Henry and Towes's Marsh, and in a Day 
or two after, four or five more have advanced higher 
up, at present the Body of the Fleet lay between the 
Horseshoe and York Spit, and two Sail of the Line and 
a Frigate below Towes's Marsh, about eight Miles 
from York Town. 

On the 21 1 the Enemy's Ships advanced consisting 
of three Sail of the Line and a Frigate, from a Report 
from our Guard Boats, their not keeping that look out, 
which might be expected from advanced Ships I or- 
dered four Vessels belonging to the Quarter Master 
Generals Department to be fitted as Fire Vessels, with 
the utmost expedition, and directed Captain Palmer of 
the Vulcan to proceed in the Night, whenever the Wind 
offered to endeavour to destroy the Enemy, or drive 
them from the Post they had taken as it prevented a 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Communication from New York or the Eastern Shore, 
he took a favourable Opportunity of the Night of the 
22d about twelve O. Clock to slip with the other Ves- 
sels, and ran down to the French Squadron, and though 
he did not meet with the Success which was to be 
wished, he obliged all the Enemys Ships to cut, and two 
Sail of the Line were run ashore, and on board each 
other, but afterwards got off, owing to very moderate 
Weather, one of which I am convinced met with con- 
siderable Damage as she ran down the next Day to 
join her Admiral. I cannot say too much in favor of 
Captn. Palmers behaviour on this Occasion, it was 
Spirited and well conducted, and had not the Enemy 
been alarmed at almost the Instant he was within hail 
of them, when they sliped, two Ships of the Line must 
have been destroyed. 

In the small Vessels, I sent Lieuts. James and Sy- 
monds, of the Charm and Lieut. Conway of His Maj- 
estys late Sloop Cormorant, whose Conduct on this 
Business, I have every reason to approve of. 

Since the Vulcan was burnt, I have fitted out two of 
the oldest Transports to act as Fire ships in Case the 
Enemys Ships should attempt to come up to attack the 
Sea Batteries. 

Yesterday morning the Enemy appeared in great 
Numbers by Land, and this Evening have encamped 
within two Miles of the Town. 

I have the Honor to be 
Sir 
Your most obedt. & very humbl. Sert. 
To Thomas Symonds. 

Thomas Graves Esqr. 
&ca. &ca. 

C129II 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Endorsed No. lo | Copy of Captn. Symonds | Letter, 
dated York River | 29th Septr. 1781. | In R. A. Graves's 
Letter | Dated 16 Octr. 1781. 



Enclosure G 



[ SCHEDULE OF THIS PACQUET ] 



No I . . . .Letter to P. Stephens Esqr. 13 Octo 
2 Ditto 16 Octo 

3 . . . . Copy of a Letter from Earl Cornwallis dated 

iih October 1781 

4. . . .Copy of a letter from Captain Douglas of 

His Majesty's Ship Chatham dated yh. Sep. 
1781. 

5. . . .Copy of a letter from Sr. A. S. Hammond 

dated 10 Septr. 1781. — 

6. . . .List of the French fleet in the Cheasapeak 

18 Septr. 1781. — 

7. . . .List of Ships purchased. — 

8. . . .List of Promotions & Removals of Commis- 

sion'd Oflicers. — ^ 

9. . . .List of Promotions & Removals of Warrant 

Oflicers ^ 
10. . . . Copy of Captain Symonds letter dated York 
River 29h Septr. 1781. — 



Endorsed Schedule | In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 
16 Octr. 1 78 1 

^ Not available. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London off Sandy Hook 19th Octor. 1781. — 
Sir:— 

My last letter cou'd not fix the time of my sailing, 
The Ships were however moving down as they cou'd be 
got ready, and on the 17th so soon as the tide serv'd, I 
got under sail with the remainder of the squadron, ex- 
cept the Shrewsbury Montagu and Europe, and got 
down with the help of the afternoon tide to Sandy 
Hook.— 

The next morning we embarked all the troops on 
board the men of war from the transports, where they 
had been in readiness for us some days, to the amount 
of Seven thousand one hundred and forty nine (officers 
included.) The Princessa went over the Bar with her 
provisions and water in transports the same eveng. 

The afternoon's tide all the Ships of easy draught of 
water went over the bar, one of the ships left at York 
joined us and this morning the whole fleet sailed and 
got safe over the bar consisting of twenty five sail of the 
line, two fifty's and eight frigates; and the whole are 
now under sail for the Cheasapeak. 

A numerous convoy appears ofif, which we judge to 
be the English convoy as they are making for this place, 
and the most advanced shew English colours; the Per- 
severance that I sent out to speak with them not being 
yet return'd, I cannot acknowledge the receipt of any 
dispatches, and being willing to send the Generals and 
my own letters immediately upon the movement of the 
fleet, I wou'd not defer a moment to inform their Lord- 

C131: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

ships of SO important a move — The Lively which car- 
ries this letter will accompany the Packet to convoy 
with greater certainty the counter part. 
I am 
Sir 

Your most Obedient 

Humble Servant 
p c, Thos. Graves. 

Enclosed you will receive the State & Condition of 
the Fleet. ry p 

Philip Stephens Esqr. 

Endorsed 19 Octr 178 1 | Rear Adml. Graves | ^ 14 

Nov 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at Sea 7 P.M. 19th Octr. 178 1. 
Sir— 

I beg leave to acquaint you for their Lordships in- 
formation, that the fleet mention'd in my letter of this 
day, proves to be the Centurion and her convoy, which 
are all arriv'd safe (except eight private traders) and 
are now standing in for the Hook. 
I am 
Sir 

Your most Obedient 

Humble Servant 
Philip Stephens Esqr. — Thos. GRAVES. 

Endorsed 19 Octr. 1781 | R. A. Graves | I^ 14 Nov 

D32] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ ADMIRAL RODNEY TO GEORGE JACKSON^ ] 

Bath, 19th of October, 1781. 
My dear Sir: — 

This morning I was favoured with yours of the 17th 
inst. and you may be assured that everything shall be 
done by me that can contribute towards settling the 
Eustatius affair, and that when the papers Mr. Cres- 
pigny intends reading are presented to me I will execute 
them as desired, and hope, on my arrival in town, every 
necessary paper for me to sign will be ready before I 
leave England, and all money affairs settled to the satis- 
faction of all parties; but at present I find myself very 
much out of order with a very violent pain in my stom- 
ach, which has continued these four days and reduced 
me much, which the news from America and Mr. 
Graves's letter has increased; for it is impossible for 
me not to feel most sensibly any news which appears to 
me of the most fatal consequences to my country, and 
more especially where the navy has been concerned. . . 
In vain may plans be concerted to defeat the designs of 
the public enemy if inferior officers will take upon 
them to act in direct opposition to the orders and letters 
of their superiors, and lie idle in port when their duty 
ought to have obliged them to have been at sea to watch 
the motions of the public enemy, and prevent the junc- 
tion of their squadrons. Had Mr. Graves attended to 
the intelligence I sent him six weeks before I left the 
West Indies, as likewise to two other expresses I sent 

^ Letters of Sir Samuel Hood, edited by David Hannay, Navy 
Records Society, Vol. Ill, 44. 

D33II 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

him pressing his junction with his whole squadron with 
Sir Samuel Hood off the Capes of Virginia, he had been 
on that station long before De Grasse, and, of course, 
prevented the latter landing his troops in Virginia. The 
commanding officer, likewise, at Jamaica, had no right 
to detain the Torbay and Prince William, whose cap- 
tains had my positive orders not to lose a moment's time 
(after seeing the Jamaica convoy safe at that island) in 
joining Sir Samuel Hood at or off the Chesapeake. . . . 
I likewise pressed Sir Peter Parker to send some of his 
ships with them, as I was assured the French fleet were 
intended for that coast, and that, in all probability, the 
fate of the war depended upon his Majesty's fleet being 
in full force, and that the blow on which depended the 
sovereignty of the [oc]ean must be struck off the coast 
of Virginia. I advised Sir S. Hood by all means to 
guard the mouth of the Chesapeake, to anchor in 
Hampton Road if [there was] occasion, to keep his 
frigates cruizing off the coast to the southward, that he 
might have timely notice of the enemy's approach, and 
to despatch one of his frigates to Mr. Graves, acquaint- 
ing [him] with his arrival, and pressing a speedy junc- 
tion, no one thing of which has been regarded. The 
Commander at Jamaica has detained the Torbay and 
Prince William. Mr. Graves, so far from joining Sir 
Samuel Hood off the Capes, lay idle at Sandy Hook, 
and suffered the French squadron from Rhode Island 
to join De Grasse, which cruizing from ten to forty 
leagues from Sandy Hook or by joining Sir S. Hood 
he might have prevented, and even, when he afterwards 
joined him, four of his line-of-battle ships were want- 
ing. Ought any man, after the notice he had received, 
to have separated his squadron of line-of-battle ships? 

1:1343 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

The whole should have been kept in a body, and always 
ready to act at a moment's warning, and suffered no re- 
pairs, but momentary ones, till the campaign was over. 
His letter I cannot understand, and his terms, par- 
ticularly his cut up, a term neither military or seaman- 
like; it must have been a mistake in printing; he meant 
cut off the vans from the centre. The other part of the 
letter contradicts itself, and his mode of fighting I will 
never follow. He tells me that his line did not extend 
so far as the enemy's rear. I should have been sorry if 
it had, and a general battle ensued; it would have given 
the advantage they could have wished, and brought 
their whole twenty-four ships of the line against the 
English nineteen, whereas by watching his opportunity, 
if the enemy had extended their line to any considerable 
distance, by contracting his own he might have brought 
his nineteen against the enemy's fourteen or fifteen, and 
by a close action totally disabled them before they could 
have received succour from the remainder, and in all 
probability have gained thereby a complete victory. 
Such would have been the battle of the 17th of April 
had I been obeyed, such would have been the late battle 
off the Capes, and more especially if all the line-of- 
battle ships had (as they ought) been joined. Our num- 
bers then had been t\venty-five, viz. four of Admiral 
Graves and my two from Jamaica. In my poor opin- 
ion the French have gained the most important victory, 
and nothing can save America but the instant return of 
the fleet from New York with 5,000 troops and Digby's 
squadron ; but even then the French fleet will have done 
their business and gone. If not, block them up to eter- 
nity; suffer none to escape from the Chesapeake; they 
will soon be tired of their station, and wish they had 

C135] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

never taken the part of America. I could say much 
more on this subject, but it is impossible for you to 
conceive the fatigue the writing this letter has occa- 
sioned. I must conclude with saying that if they intend 
the war should be concluded, there must be but one 
General and one Admiral commanding in chief in 
America and West Indies. 

Adieu, my dear Sir, 

Yours most sincerely, 
G. B. Rodney. 

My best respects to Mrs. Jackson. 

Endorsed. — The 19th of October, 1781. Sir George 
Rodney on Graves's action of the Chesapeake.^ 

^ This letter, while its tactical criticisms are perfectly correct, is 
otherwise wholly unjust to Graves. Graves was not idle in port. It 
had been well for his cause had he been, for he would then have 
received Rodney's despatch at a much earlier date. He was instead 
off Boston, by direction of the Admiralty. Nor did Rodney press 
Graves's junction with Hood off the Chesapeake. No doubt, how- 
ever, such would have been Graves's action had he received Rodney's 
despatch. There is no intimation whatever in his despatch of July 7, 
1 78 1, that he understood that De Grasse's fleet was specially directed 
to the Chesapeake; nor was there any intimation that "the blow on 
which depended the sovereignty of the ocean must be struck off the 
coast of Virginia." He did not advise Hood, in his written instruc- 
tions at least, "by all means to guard the mouth of the Chesapeake, to 
anchor in Hampton Road if [there was] occasion, to keep his frigates 
cruizing off the coast to the southward, that he might have timely 
notice of the enemy's approach, and to despatch one of his frigates to 
Mr. Graves, acquainting [him] with his arrival, and pressing a 
speedy junction. No one thing of which," adds Rodney, "has been 
regarded." His remarks are but the imaginings of what ought to 
have been advised by himself but was not advised in any such 
terms. No doubt this letter, if shown to the Board, as was probably 
done, did much to delay Graves's promotion, which was due in the 
natural order of things in 178 1 to 1787. 

[136] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London at Sea igh Oct. 1781. 
Sin- 
In my last letter by the Lively Captain Manly, I de- 
sired you to acquaint the Lords Commissioners of the 
Admiralty of my having pass'd the Bar of New York 
with the Bristol Fleet, with seven thousand of the army 
embark'd, to go to the relief of Earl Cornwallis at York 
in the Chesapeake. 

The Fleet accordingly sailed the moment the troops 
were put on board the last ships out, vizt, the Montagu 
and Shrewsbury, and proceeded the same day (the 
19th) for the Chesapeake. We carried several small 
craft and whale-boats to send off at different stages for 
intelligence. 

The 24th we received intelligence from a black man 
who was pilot of His Majesty's ship Charon, a white 
man who belonged to the Quarter Master General's 
Department, and another black man who had made 
their escape together from New York,^ that Lord Corn- 
wallis had capitulated on the i8th instant, the day be- 
fore the Fleet sailed from Sandy Hook, a copy of which 
intelligence is enclosed. 

The 26h one of our boats brought off some people 
from the shore near Cape Charles, who gave the same 
report of the capitulation. 

The 25th His Majesty's Ship La Nymphe joined us 
from New York and brought dispatches from Lord 
Cornwallis dated the 15th, a copy of which is enclosed 
1 An error, evidently, for York = Yorktown. 

1:1373 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

and leaves little room to question the truth of the other 
intelligence. The three people being still on board and 
questioned again, and known for what they reported 
themselves to be, by several persons helped still to cor- 
roborate. I therefore determined to detach the Rattle- 
snake for Europe, to give the earliest information to 
their Lordships, that Government may be prepared to 
receive the particulars of so sad a catastrophe. — My 
former letter to their Lordships did not abound in 
hopes of success. 

The West India Squadron under Monsr. De Grasse 
being found so much more numerous than that of Brit- 
ain, wou'd still maintain its superiority when joined to 
the three ships of the line of battle left in the Chesa- 
peake, and reinforced by the Squadron under Mons: 
De Barras from Rhode Island, and further strength- 
ened by the advantage of position. I shou'd however, 
been happy to have tried every possible means to effect 
a relief cou'd we have arrived in time, that prospect 
being at an end, no addition of troops intended for 
Charles-town, nor an attempt against Rhode Island 
thought advisable, under the present situation of things, 
there appeared nothing so proper as to return with the 
Fleet to New York, and by removing the troops from 
out of the men of war, to put the West India Squadron 
into a condition to quit this coast as soon as possible. I 
therefore determined to leave this Station and retire 
to New York. 

Unsuccessful as the event has proved, I hope their 
Lordships will not find any part of it has proceeded 
from the want of attention or exertion on my particular 
part. 

I have dispatched a frigate forward to New York to 

C138] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

direct the transports to be at Sandy Hook, in readiness 
to receive the troops and to provide bread and water 
for any ships which may be deficient. 

Two successive days before my leaving the neigh- 
bourhood of the Chesapeak, I sent the Warwick and 
Nymphe to reconnoitre, whose report I send enclosed. 
Both these days we saw the Enemys Fleet from our mast 
heads, and most of the last day, our Fleet lay to close off 
the back of the Middle Ground. 

In the Evening I dispatched the Carysfort and 
Blonde for Charles-town^ with Lieut. General Leslie, 
and a small detachment of the Artillery, with direc- 
tions, (if the General found it necessary to withdraw 
the post from Wilmington) to proceed there and effect 
it as quick as possible, and then to convoy any empty 
transports or victuallers to New York. 
I am. 
Sir, 
Your Most Obedient Humble Servant, 

Thos. Graves. 
Philip Stephens, Esqr. 

Endorsed Vice Adml.^ Graves | Letter to P. Stephens, 
Esqr., I 29th Oct: 1781 | Red. 25 Nov. 1781 at | 11 P.M. 
I (3 Inclosures). 

^ South Carolina. 

2 The secretaty probably took the promotion of Graves, when his 
turn came, for granted. He was, however, passed over and was not 
promoted until September 24, 1787. (See Clowes, HI, 567.) 



C139] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure A 

[ LORD CORNWALLIS TO GENERAL CLINTON ] 

Copy. 

York Town Virginia 
15th October 1781 
Sir, 

Last Evening the Enemy carried my two advanced 
Redoubts on the left by Storm, and during the Night 
have included them in their Second Parallel, which 
they are at present busy in perfecting. My Situation 
now becomes very critical. We dare not shew a Gun 
to their old Batteries, and I expect their new ones will 
be open to-Morrow Morning. Experience has shewn 
that our fresh earthen Works do not resist their power- 
ful Artillery, so that we shall soon be exposed to an 
Assult in ruined Works, in a bad Position and with 
weakened Numbers. 

The Safety of the Place is therefore so precarious 
that I cannot recommend that the Fleet and Army 
should run great Risque, in endeavouring to save us. 
I have the Honor to be 

with great Respect 

Sir 
Your most obedient & 

most humble Servant 
(Signed) CORNWALLIS 
His Excellency 

Sir H. Clinton K.B. 

[140] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Enclosure B 

[ EVIDENCE FROM YORK TOWN ] 

Memo. 

London at Sea 24th October 1781. 
About four O'clock this morning a Schooner Boat 
came alongside with three Men in it, who upon being 
taken on board and examined, gave the following Ac- 
count. 

Jonas Rider a Black Man, says he left York Town 
on Thursday the i8th in a four Oard Boat in Company 
with a Captain and People belonging to the Sloop 
Tarlton, the property of a Mr. Young of New York, to 
which Place they were going. 

That they left York Town to make their Escape, as 
it was said the Troops were going to give it up; There 
had been no firing for a Day and a half before he left 
it, and it was reported that Lord Cornwallis was mak- 
ing Terms to be sent to England and also respecting 
private property. 

He gives an Account of his being taken twice, and of 
his escaping to a Dispatch Boat that had been sent from 
the Fleet the Day before Yesterday. — 

James Robinson (a Black) Pilot to the Charon Man 
of War, left York Town with Rider because he heard 
there was a treaty to surrender the Place — 

On Wednesday the firing ceased and a Flag of truce 
was sent out, which returned and the firing began again ; 
that it ceased a short time afterwards, and he has not 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

heard any since, tho' he was near the Place for two 
Days. 

The Soldiers were all standing on their Works dur- 
ing the time the Flags were out, That the Merchants 
were getting all their things on Shore, as the Shipping 
were to be given up to the French. 

On Monday was sennight he heard all the Troops 
were to go to Gloucester and march through the Coun- 
try, that a great part were over, but it blew so hard the 
rest could not go, and the next Day they brought back 
those that went. 

About Eight or nine Days ago the Enemy made an 
attack on our left and carried two of our Redoubts and 
killed most of the People that were in them ; after which 
they placed Cannon there, that the next Night our Peo- 
ple made a Sally and spiked Eleven Pieces. — 

On Wednesday night he said he saw a large Bonfire 
in the Enemy's Camp. — One of our Magazines had 
been blown up. — 

He says the Place was not given up, but that there 
was no firing, nor has he heard any since. — This Man 
produces Certificates, from several People that prove 
he was one of our Pilots. — 

Robert Moyse left York Town with the above, he 
was told the Army had surrendered Prisoners of War, 
according to the Terms granted at Pensacola. — That 
all the People that could were making their Escape. — 
He is very positive they have capitulated, and that the 
Place was to be given up on Friday at one O'Clock; 
there has been no firing since; He understood that our 
People wanted Ammunition. 

A Boat going from Lord Cornwallis to New York 
was taken, — but the Letters were in Cyphers. — That 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Captn. Carey in a large Boat with thirty Oars had 
sailed on Monday Morning. — 

This Man originally belonged to the Lapwing Dis- 
patch Boat, and knew the Schooner to be the Mary as 
soon as he saw her. 

Endorsed London at Sea 24 Octr. 1781 ] The Evidence 
of Jonas Rider | James Robinson and | Robert Moyse 
from York | Town. | Virginia. | 2. | In Vice Adml. 
Graves's I Letter of 29 Octr 1781. 



Enclosure C 
[ OBSERVATIONS OF CAPTAIN ELPHINSTONE ] 

Warwick Saturday 27th October 1781. — 

At Sun set Cape Henry S W b W. dist. 2 or 3 Miles, 
Willoughby's point W b S. saw a Ship under sail in 
Lynnhaven Bay with Signals out, also one of the Line, 
and a Frigate on the North side of the Horse shoe; 31 
Sail anchored at the upper part of the Middle ground, 
I imagine below the Egg Islands, as I could see Back 
River point. From the top I could only see the Lower 
Yards of the Ships at Anchor, in all we could count 45 
Sail ; all of them had Signals flying. — 

Signed G K. ELPHINSTONE — 

Sunday 28th October — 

Sent the Warwick and Nymphe in again to Cape 
Henry. A Ship of two Decks was under sail to meet 

C1433 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

them, two more in Lynn haven and forty four above the 
Horse shoe, in the whole Forty seven sail. Two large 
Ships were under sail from above to come down, and 
the advanced Ship shewed her Colours and fired a Gun 
under them, at two different parts of the day. — 

Endorsed Observations of Captain | Elphinstone Octo- 
ber the 27th I & 28th 178 1 I 3. I In Vice Adml. Graves's 
I Letter of 29 octr. 1781 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO CAPTAIN MELCOMB ] 

By Thomas Graves, Esqr. Rear Admiral of 
the Red Commander-in-Chief, &c, &c. 

You are hereby required and directed to receive on 
board, mine and the General's dispatches for Govern- 
ment and proceed with them on His Majesty's Ship 
under your command, immediately to England. 

You are to use the utmost precaution to avoid falling 
in with the enemy, and to keep the dispatches constantly 
prepared with a weight ready to be sunk at a moment's 
warning. 

You are to endeavour to fetch as high up the Chan- 
nell as possible, and to convey the dispatches yourself to 
the Admiralty, in the most expeditious manner; suffer- 
ing nothing to detain you upon your passage, nor to 
cause a moment's delay until you have safely deliver'd 

D443 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

them at the Admiralty. And for so doing this shall be 
your order. 

Given under my hand on board His Majesty's 
Ship London at Sea the 29th October 178 1. 

Thos. Graves. 
To 

Captain John Melcomb, 
of His Majesty's Sloop | Rattlesnake 
By Command of the Admiral 

George Graves. 

Endorsed Rattlesnake. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO GEORGE JACKSON ] 

29th of October, 1781. 
My dear Sir:— 

The Ranger cutter joined the fleet yesterday with the 
August packet from Antigua, by which I had the plea- 
sure of your very kind letter of the 2nd of August, and 
thank you for it very sincerely. It is a most flattering 
circumstance to me that my conduct on the 29th of 
April is so generally approved. 

Mr. Graves has just sent me word he is about to send 
a ship to England. His messenger brings the most 
melancholy news Great Britain ever received. Lord 
Cornwallis capitulated to the combined forces of 
France and America on the 18th — a most heartbreak- 
ing business, and the more so, to my mind, as I shall 
ever think his Lordship ought to have been succoured, 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

or brought off, previous to the return of the French 
fleet to the Chesapeake, and which Mr. Graves had in 
his power to effect at his pleasure, after losing the glori- 
ous opportunity of defeating its intentions on the 5th 
of last month; but I have fully expressed myself upon 
the management of that day in my last letters by the 
Lively and the packet. I now feel too much, and my 
mind is too greatly depressed with the sense I have of 
my country's calamities, to dwell longer upon the pain- 
ful subject. We are now, I am told, going back to New 
York to disembark the troops. I do not mean to go 
within the Bar, and as soon as the troops are out of the 
ships of my squadron I shall push away to the protec- 
tion of the West India Islands. I think Admiral Digby 
would not do amiss if he was to send the greatest part 
of his squadron with me till the month of March, as he 
can put them in no place of safety except the Oyster 
Bay, in the Sound, and they may as well be at Con- 
stantinople for any good they may do. 

Adieu, my dear Sir. With best affections to Mrs. 
Jackson, 

I am ever and most faithfully yours, 

Sam. Hood. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

Barfleur, off Sandy Hook, 3rd of November, 1781. 
Sir:— 

I beg you will be pleased to acquaint the Lords Com- 
missioners of the Admiralty that the King's fleet under 
Rear-Admiral Graves returned here yesterday evening, 

C146] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

and as the Rear-Admiral has this day put the ships 
I brought with me from the West Indies under my 
orders again, I propose returning to my station for the 
protection of his Majesty's islands committed to my 
care, so soon as the troops, army, provisions, ammuni- 
tion, &c., are disembarked. 

Herewith I transmit for their Lordships' informa- 
tion an account of the state and condition of his Maj- 
esty's ships under my command, 

And have the honour to be. Sir, 

Your most obedient, humble Servant, 

T3u-r o^ u 17 Sam. Hood. 

Philip Stephens, Esq. 

Endorsed. — The 3rd of November, 1781. Sir Samuel 
Hood, off Sandy Hook. Received the i6th of Decem- 
ber. Answered the 3rd of January, 1782. (i en- 
closure). 



CONSULTATION OF FLAG OFFICERS, HELD ON BOARD HIS 

majesty's SHIP LONDON OFF SANDY HOOK BAR 

THE 3D NOVEMR. 1781^ 

Question The French fleet remaining in the Chesea- 
peke, after the reduction of the British Forces 
in York River — Whether at this Season of 
the Year the British Fleet should separate, — 
or Whether so much danger is to be appre- 
hended to the Posts upon the Coasts of No. 

^ The despatch of November 6, 1781, which contained this enclo- 
sure, is not available. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

America as will make it necessary at the risque 
of the Leeward Islands, to keep the fleet longer 
assembled. 
Resolved That the British Fleet shall (in considera- 
tion of the situation of the two fleets) be 
equipped for Sea as expeditiously as possible, 
and separate when ready. 

Thomas Graves 

ROBT. DiGBY 

Saml. Hood 
Fras. Saml. Drake 
Edmd. Affleck 

A Copy I T Graves. 

Endorsed Copy of the Consultation | of Flag Officers | 
held on board his Majesty's | Ship London 3d Novr. 
1 78 1 I No. 7 I In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 6 Novr. 
1781. 



[1483 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



STATE OF THE TRANSPORTS & VICTUALLERS IN 
YORK RIVER, VIRGINIA^ 



Ships Names 

Bellona 
Shipwright 
Andrew 
Houston . 
Lord Mulgrav 
Harmony . 
Providence 
Favorite . 
Emerald . 
Selina . 
Sally . . 
Horsington 
Robert 
Race Horse 
Neptune . 
Oldborough 
Present Succession 
Two Brothers 
Success Increase 
Concord . 
Lord Howe . 
Fidelity . 
Mackrell . . 



Master's Names 

. John Wardell 

. Thomas Kay . 

. Francis Todiridge 

. Robert McLash 

. Andw. Casterby 

. John'Duffield 

. Benjn. Huntley 

. John Wilson . 

. Robert Tindall 

. John Crosskill 

. Arthur Elliott 

. Chrisr. Jolson 

. Jonathan Moore 

. Chrisr. Chesman 

. John Atkinson 

. Lionel Bradstreet 

. William Chapman 

. Magnus Mariners 

. John Saunderson . 

. Andrew Monk . 

. Thomas Woodhouse 

. Robert Pilmour . 

. William Eraser . 

Victuallers. 

Diana John Perkin . 

Mercury Arthur Ryburn . 

Ocean John Walker . 

Providence Increase . . Thomas Berriman 

Betsey Jno. Younghusband 

Nancy Robert Hoakesly . 

Rover John Beveon . 

Harlequin .... Thomas Skinner . 

Elizabeth Naval Victualler . 



State & Condition 

Taken 

Burnt 

Taken 

Sunk 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 
Sunk 

Do. 



Sunk 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 



/p ^ G- Robertson Agent. 
T. Graves 

^Admiral Graves's despatch of November 9, 1781, which for- 
warded this document, is not available. 

C1493 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Endorsed State and Condition | of the Transports & 
Victuallers | in York River | Virginia. | No. 6 | In 
R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 9 Novr. 1781. 



THE FRENCH LINE OF BATTLE^ 



Chesapeak Bay off York River 22nd Octr. 178 

Guns 
78 
64 
84 

74 



I. 



Le Neptune . . 
Le Provence . . 
L'Auguste . . . 
Le Magnanime . 
L'Hercule . . . 
Le Conquerant . 
Le Due de Burgone 
Le Hector . . . 
L'Septre .... 
Le Northumberland 
L'Evillie .... 
L'Gloryeaux . . 
L'Esprit .... 
Le Sollitaire . . 
Le Marsellie . . 
Le Palmie . . . 
Le Ville De Paris 
Le Sovereign . . 
Le Caton .... 

L Lile 

Le Destaing . . 
Le Ardent . . . 
Le Jason .... 



74 
74 
84 

74 
74 
74 
64 
74 
60 

64 

74 

74 
no 

74 
64 

74 
74 
64 
64 



Le Burgone . 
Le Valliant . 
Le Ceazar . 
Le Citoyen . 
Le Languidoc 
Le Experiment 
Le Refleshe 
Le Diadem 
Le Scipion 
Le Victor 
Le Triton 
Le Pluton 



Frigates 
Romulus Occasion 
ally for the Line 
L'Andromaque 
La Railleure . 
La Concorde . 
La Surveillante 
L'Harmione 
La Diligente . 
La Genteele 



^Admiral Graves's despatch of November 9, 1781, which 
warded this document, is not available. 



74 
64 

74 
74 
84 
50 
64 
74 
74 
74 
54 
74 



44 
36 
36 
36 
36 
36 
30 
38 

for- 



(Sqdmkal £otd Vidcouiit S^ood 

Sfxom an oxicjinal picture by cf. S^bljot 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

r„ / 7 State and Condition j of the Transports & 
; in York River ' Virginia. | No. 6 | In 
R. A. Graves's Letter | f Novr. 1781. 



THE FRENCH LINE OF BATTLE^ 



Neptune 



Chesapeak Bay off York River 22nd Octr. 178 1. 

Guns 

Le Burgone . 

■ '" 'liant . 

iime . . . 7X Le Citoyen . 
Le Languidoc 



Guns 

• 78 

64 

- 84 

. 7X 



. .J. iij- >^T- Le Refleshe . 

L'Septre 

Le Northumberland 



.■4 
74 
64 
74 
60 

64 

74 

74 
no 

74 
64 

74 
74 
64 
64 



Le Scipion 

Le Victor 

Le Triton 

Le Pluton 



Frigates 
Romulus Occasion- 
ally for the Line . 
L'Andromaque 
La Railleure 
La Concorde 
La Surv^eillan 
L'Harmione 
La Diiigente 
La Genteele 



74 
64 

74 
74 
84 

SO 
64 

74 
74 
74 
54 
74 



44 
36 
36 

36 
36 
30 
38 

es's despatch of November 9, 1781, which for- 
-nt, is not available. 



C^^O] 



11 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



Endorsed A List of the French fleet | in the Cheasapeak 
22d Octr. 1781. I No. 3 I In R. A. Graves's Letter | 
Dated 9 Novr. 178 1 



[ CAPTAIN SYMONDS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES^ ] 

York Town Virginia 20th Octr. 1781. 
Sir:— 

I am very Sorry to inform you, that the Garrison of 
York, and the Vessels that remained in the River, sur- 
renderd to the Enemy by Capitulation yesterday after- 
noon, after a seige of seventeen days. 

On the loth instant the Charon was set on fire by red 
hot Shot and entirely consumed, the Guadaloupe was 
Scuttled, and Sunk the 17th to prevent her from sharing 
the same fate, or falling into the Enemys possession and 
the Fowey was hauld into Shoal Water and bored. 

It being agreed by the capitulation, that the Bonetta 
should proceed to New York, to carry Earl Cornwal- 
lis's dispatches, and any People his Lordship thought 
proper to send. Captain Dundas proceeds with his 
Officers and Thirty Men with a Flag of Truce for that 
purpose 

The Number of Sick and wounded Seamen in the 
Naval Tents, amounts to eighty five, which cannot be 
removed for some time, but their own Surgeons will be 
left to take care of them, during the siege Ten Seamen 
were killed and Thirty two wounded. Enclosed I have 

1 Admiral Graves's despatch of November 9, 1781, which for- 
warded this letter, is not available. 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

the honor to send you the Articles of capitulation, and 

the state of the Transports and Victuallers. 

And have the honor to be. 

Sir your most Obedient 

Humble Servant. 

^ A J • 1 r> Sien'd Thos. Symonds. 

Rear Admiral Graves ^ 

&c &c &c 

An Attested Copy 

T. Graves. 

Endorsed Copy of Captn. Symonds | Letter dated York 
Town I Virginia 20th Octr. 178 1. | No. 5 | In R. A. 
Graves's Letter | Dated 9 Novr. 1781 

LIGNE DE COMBAT DE L'ARMEE FRANgAISE AUX ORDRES 
DU COMTE DE GRACE LE 5 — 7BRE. 1 78 1 FORMEE 
PAR RANG DE VITESSE^ 



Scavoir 



Le Pluton . 
Le Marsellois . 
La Bourgogne . 
Le Diademe 
Le Refleche 

L'Auguste . 

Le St. Esprit . 
La Caton . 
Le Cezar . 
Le Destin . 

La Ville de Paris 



74 Canons- 
74 " - 
74 " - 
74 " - 
64 " - 



80 

80 
64 
74 
74 

98 



84 



84 



MM. Dalbert de Rious^ 
Castellan ne 2 
Charitte^ 
Monteder-* 
De Boades^ 
Bouganville Chef 

d'Escadre^ 
Castellan Capitaine'^ 
Chabert^ 
Framont^ 
Despinouse^'^ 
Gonnpy^^ 

De Grace — General ^^ 
Vaugiraud Major ^^ 



1 Admiral Graves's despatch of November 9, 1781, which for- 
warded this document, is not available. 



E152] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



La Victoire 

Le Sceptre . 

Le Northumberland 

Le Palmier 

Le Solitaire 

Le Citoyen 

Le Scipion . 

Le Magnanime 

L'Hercule . 

Le Languedoc . 

Le Zele 
L'Hector . 
Le Souverain . 
La Railleuse 
L'Aigrette . 



74 Canons- 

74 

74 

74 

64 

74 

74 

74 

74 

80 



74 
74 
74 
32 
26 



84 



MM. D'Alberti4 
" Vandreuil^^ 
" Brigueville^^ 
" Darrosi^ 
" Ciceis 
" D'Ethyi9 
" ClarePo 
'^ Le Begne2i 
" Turpin22 

Monteil Chef d'Escadre 
Comdr. Capitaine^s 

De Preville24 

Daleiur^^ 

De Glandever^^ 

St. Corme^''' 

Traversair^s 



Endorsed The French Line of Battle | in the Action off 

the Cheasapeak | the 5th. September 1781. | No. 2. | 

In R. A. Graves's Letter | Dated 9 Novr. 1781.^ 

^NoTE BY Editor. — The following is the revised list of names of 
commanding officers : 



1 D'Albert de Rions 

2 Castellane Majastres 
2 Charitte (Comte de) 
4 Montecler 
^ De Boades 
^ Bougainville 
' Castellan (Chevalier de) 
^ Chabert Cogolin 
® Framond (Comte de) 

^•^ Coriolis d'Espinouse 

^^ Du Maitz de Goimpy Feu- 
quieres (Comte de) 

i^Grasse (Comte de), Vice-Ad- 
miral 

1^ Vaugiraud de Rosnay, Chief 
of Staff 

1^ D'Albert Saint-Hippolyte 
(Chevalier) 

[■533 



^^ Vaudreuil (Comte de) 

1^ Briqueville (Marquis de) 

^"^ D'Arros Argelos 

^s Cice Champion (Chevalier de) 

19 Thy (Comte de) 

2*^ Clavel Aine 

21 Le Begue (Chevalier de, later 
Comte de) 

22 Turpin Du Breuil (Chevalier 
de) 

23 Monteil (Baron de) 

24 Gras Preville (Chevalier) 

25 Renaud d'Allen 

26 Glandevez (Chevalier de) 
2'^ St. Cosme (Chevalier de) 
2S Traversais 



List of Prizes taken by His Majestys Ships in North America undoj 



By whom taken 



Chatham 
Do. .. 
Do. .. 
Do. .. 
Do. .. 
Do. .. 
Do. .. 
Do. .. 
Do. .. 



Where taken 



^ Do 

Greneral Monk 

A.mphitrite . . . 

Do 



Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Belisarius 

jarland & Warwick . 
i'earl 

Do 

Do 

^ Do 

3arysfort 

*egasus & Rattlesnake 

lolebay 

*fymphe & Amphion 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

now 

ea 

"ortunee 

ris 

Do ;;; 

olebay 



In Boston bay 

and 

on the S W 

Coast of 
Nova Scotia 



Off Nantucket 
off Long Island 



On the 
Coast of 
Virginia 



off Charles town 



Name 



Magicienne . . . . 

Polly 

Genl. Mark 

Defence 

Admiral Durell 
Friendship . . . . 

Eagle 

Isabella 

Two Friends . . 

Dove 

Salem Packet . . 
Experiment 
Endeavour . . . . 

Union 

St. John 

Minerva 

Dolphin 

Nero 

Revenge 



pnv. 



priv 



Greyhound 
Longsplice 
Eleanor . . . 
Friendship 
Senegal 



pnv, 



pnv, 



pnv. 



pnv 



Deane 

Dan 

Royl. Louis 

Molly 

Lexington . 
Rambler 
Raccoon . . . 

Lively Buckskin 

Juno 

Favorite priv. 

Felicity Do. 

Jolly Tar Lre Marque 

Samuel 

Savage 

late Eng Sloop War. . 
Total 



C1543 



Tons 



800 

250 
180 
180 
150 
140 
60 

45 
30 

100 

300 
70 

100 
90 
95 

100 

40 



30 
70 
100 
50 
500 
160 
300 
450 
100 

85 
90 

50 
70 
120 
150 
80 
125 
200 
300 



Men 



280 
21 

94 

65 

7 

8 

9 
4 
5 
6 

23 

20 

8 

9 
10 
10 
II 

30 



10 

29 

60 

no 

il 

18I 

li 

ID 
48 
10 
I I 
40 
100 
20 
30 
I I 
30 



Guns 



36 
10 
22 
II 



12 

22 



6 
16 

8 
22 



10 



18 

6 

10 

4 
16 



'1366 260 



nnd of Rear Admiral Graves, between the 20 Aug. and 31 Octr. 1781 



From whence 



Piscataqua . . . 

Boston 

...Do 

Bilboa 

Jersey 

Turks Island . 

Salem 

Old York . . . . 
Newfoundland 

Virginia 

Bilboa 



Cork . . . 
... Do. . 

Salem . . . 
Virginia 
Newbury 
Virginia . 
Salem . . 



Lisbon 

Salem 

Boston 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Do 

Madeira ... 
Philidelphia 

... Do 

Salem 

Philidelphia 

...Do 

C. Francois . 
Havannah . . 
New London 
Philidelph .. 

...Do 

Jamaica .... 



Where bound 



Boston 

Sanco for Masts. 
On a Cruize . . . 

Newbury 

Quebec 

Boston 

Guadaloupe . . . . 

Boston 

... Do 

... Do 

Salem 



Santa Cruz . . 
Newbury . . . . 
Guadaloupe . . 
Glasgow .... 
On a Cruise . . 
Limerick . . . . 
Cruising .... 

Salem 

... Do 

... Do 

On a Cruize . 
C. Francois. . . 
On a Cruize . 
New York . . . 
Cruizing .... 
St. Thomas's. 
Baltimore . . . 
On a Cruise. . 
Havannah . . . 
Baltimore . . . 
Philidelph ... 
On a Cruize. . 

... Do 

Havannah . . . 
Bristol 



Lading 



Ballast 



Brandy &c. . . . 

Wine 

Indian Corn. . . 
Fish & lumber. 

Deals 

Fish 

Tobacco 

Silks 



Beef Pork &c. 

.... Do 

Plank 

Tobacco .... 

Plank 

Tobacco .... 



500 bis beef . . 
400 Cask butter . 



Wine . . . . 
Indigo . . . 
Cordage . 



Masts &c. 



Wine 



Tobacco 
Wine . . 



Flour 

Salt 

Sugar & Rum 



Flour 

Rum & Sugar. 



Capture 

or 
recapture 



Capture . . . 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

Re-capture . 
Capture . . . 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

Re-capture . 

. . Do 

. . Do 

Capture . . . 

. . Do 

. . Do 

Re-Capture 
Capture . . . 
Re-Capture 
Capture . . . 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

Re-Capture 
Capture . . . 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

. . Do 

Re-Capt . . . 
. . Do 



T Graves. 



Zissi 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

[ REAR ADMIRAL HOOD TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

Barfleur, in Carlisle Bay, Barbadoes, loth of 
December, 178 1. 
Sir:— 

I sailed from ofif Sandy Hook on the nth of last 
month, with his Majesty's ships named in the margin,^ 
and having previously despatched the Nymphe and 
Belliqueux to reconnoitre the Chesapeake, the latter 
joined me on my given rendezvous on the i6th, and in- 
formed me that not a French ship was in the Chesa- 
peake on the loth. I immediately pushed away for my 
station, not caring to wait a moment for the Nynphe, 
and without meeting with any occurrence in my passage 
deserving notice, I arrived here on the 5th, with all the 
line-of-battle ships except the Royal Oak and Monarch, 
which parted company in a gale of wind and thick 
weather on the 17th. The Intrepid's, Alcide's and 
Shrewsbury's lower masts ought to be shifted; they 
were wounded in the action of the Chesapeake, very 
badly fished at New York for want of proper materials, 
and were in so crippled a state in the passage that I 
was compelled to carry a very moderate sail to preserve 
the masts from tumbling over the side, and there not 
being a single lower mast for a 74-gun ship in this coun- 
try, I am securing those of the Shrewsbury and Alcide 
in the best manner I can, and shall give new ones to the 
Intrepid. . . . 

^ Barfleur, Princesa, Royal Oak, Alfred, America, Invincible, 
Monarch, Canada, Torbay, Alcide, Intrepid, Montagu, Resolution, 
Centaur, Prince George, Ajax, Shrewsbury, Pegasus, Sybille, Sala- 
mander. 

D56: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

I endeavoured all I could to prevail upon Admiral 
Digby to send the whole of his line-of-battle ships with 
me, as the letters I wrote him, of which I herewith send 
you copies, will show, but I could only obtain four. 

With all his ships, which can be of no use upon the 
coast of America before the ist of April, together with 
a few that may probably be soon here from England, I 
should have been equal, if not superior to the Count De 
Grasse. . v • 

As a packet was sent away the day before I arrived, 
with an account of De Grasse's fleet being at Marti- 
nique, though it might be reasonably expected I should 
make my appearance every hour, as the captain of the 
Ranger brig had delivered the letters I had written to 
the Governor and senior captain, I thought it right to 
make known to their Lordships my arrival here as soon 
as possible. I therefore propose to despatch the Ranger 
as soon as she comes back from St. Lucia, to which place 
I sent her to make known my return to this island the 
moment I anchored. 

I have the honour to be, with great truth and regard. 
Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble Servant, 

Sam. Hood. 

P. S. — I was obliged to leave the Prince William at 
New York, as her rudder required to be unhung, which 
occasioned me to write the letter you will herewith re- 
ceive to Rear-Admiral Digby. 

P. S. — I have, since writing the above, received a let- 
ter from Rear-Admiral Drake, to acquaint me that the 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

bread sent on board the Princesa was so very bad it 
could not be received, and that the contractor has no 
other. 

S. H. 

Endorsed. — loth of December, 1781, Barbadoes, Sir 
Samuel Hood. Received 7th of January, 1782, at mid- 
night. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London, Port Royal Harbour 2oh Deer. 178 1. 
Sir.— 

Be pleased to acquaint the Lords Commissioners of 
the Admiralty that I sailed from the Bar of New York 
in the London the loh November, and arrived at An- 
tigua the 6h Deer, to put on shore my prisoners, having 
taken on the passage a French ship called the Imperi- 
eux of 800 tons, 38 guns and 319 Men, from Cadiz for 
Philidelphia; laden with Salt, some arms, cannon, and 
mixed goods, besides medicine. The 9th I sailed from 
Antigua, and arrived at Jamaica the 17th. and deliv- 
ered their lordships pacquet to Sr. Peter Parker, ac- 
cording to their orders of the 9h July, receiv'd by Rear 
Admiral Digby. 

I hope their lordships have found the request I sub- 
mitted to their considerable, not unreasonable. The two 
Admirals so lately under my command being both of 
them Commanders in Chief upon separate stations, 

[158: 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

makes me become so much the object of observation, 
that I hope there is nothing blamable in my conduct, 
as to deserve the present painful humiliating situation. 
I have obeyed with readiness their Lordships com- 
mands, and I flatter myself they will not suffer me to 
remain long under so much anxiety of mind. — 
I am 
Sir 
Your most Obedient 

Humble Servant, 

Thos. Graves. 

PS. 

Enclosed you will receive a list of the Prizes taken by 
the cruisers on the North American Station between 
the 2oh Augt. and 31 Octo. being the most correct ac- 
count I have been able to obtain. — 
T. Graves 

Philip Stephens Esqr. 
Endorsed ^ 5 Febry 1782 | ansd. 



[ REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES TO PHILIP STEPHENS ] 

London Port Royal Harbour 4th May 1782. 
Sir:— 

I beg you will remind the Lords Commissioners of 
the Admiralty, that in my letters of the 27th of Septem- 

1:1593 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

ber and the 20th of December 1781, I entreated their 
Lordships would be pleased to consider my particular 
situation and recall me; instead of requiring me to serve 
in an inferior situation at Jamaica, whilst a Junior 
Officer who relieved me at York, continued in the su- 
preme Command. 

The Island of Jamaica being at this time out of dan- 
ger, from the success of Sr. Geo. Rodney against his 
Majesty's Enemy's, gives me a fair occasion to renew 
my request, and to pray that I may be recalled. 

If that should be inconvenient — that I may have leave 
to quit my Command, and return to my native country 
a passenger. 

The many calumnies in the News-papers, and the in- 
jurious representations of my conduct, which pretend to 
derive their authority from the debates in the houses 
of Parliament, make it necessary for me to clear up this 
matter; — And to require the liberty to do so, from 
their Lordships hands. 

If the representation made of me, be credited, it is a 
reflection upon Government that I am permitted to 
serve. If not, I hope their Lordships will signify their 
opinion of my conduct and allow me the opportunity 
of stating many things which may not be so proper in 
a letter. 

I feel myself particularly aggrieved by a publication 
in the Morning Post of the 8th November, 1781, under 
a pretence of its being spoken by Lord Denbigh in the 
House of Lords, where much vigilance and attention is 
insinuated on the part of Sr. Samuel Hood — and much 
implied censure let fall upon me. 

Sr. Saml. Hood's letter to me, is dated at Sea, off 

C160] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Cape Henry the 25th of August, 1781, — wherein he 
says, "I am now steering for Cape Henry in order to 
examine the Cheseapeake, from thence I shall proceed 
to the Capes of the Delaware, and not seeing or hearing 
any thing of De Grasse, or any detachment of Ships he 
might have sent upon the Coast, shall then make the 
best of my way off Sandy Hook." — 

Except in the time of his continuance at the entrance 
of the Cheseapeke, it runs so much in the tenor of the 
speech attributed to my Lord Denbigh that the reader 
can hardly doubt of its being the authority. 

The fact is, that Sr. Saml. Hood changed his opinion 
before the Nymph left him. — That it was the South 
part of Virginia, somewhere about Curratuck that he 
was off on the 25th of August, and he arrived on the 
28th following at Sandy Hook, not two hours later than 
the Nymph; That he never saw the Capes of the 
Cheseapeke, nor any other land until he made the Nev- 
ersink. 

Their Lordships will pardon me for saying that 
credulity itself can hardly admit, that between the 25th 
and the 28th of August Sr. Saml. Hood could continue 
for nine days before the Cheseapeke. 

I would not venture to confirm the conclusion drawn 
from the dates, if their Lordships did not know it offi- 
cially, from my letter as well as from Sr. Saml. Hood's, 
(if he sent any officially upon his arrival at the Hook;) 
and the letter alluded to could not have been sent home 
until after the arrival of Sr. Saml. Hood, and the event 
made known. 

I am confident their Lordships will see my uneasy 

[161] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

situation in its full extent, and grant me the liberty and 
indulgence I sue for. — 

I am Sir 

Your most Obedient 
And most Humble Servant 

Thos. Graves. 

Philip Stephens Esqr., Secretary to the Admiralty. 

Endorsed 4 May 1782 | Rear Adml. Graves | ^, 12 
July by the | Vigilant Packet. 

Minute 9 Augt. | Refer him | to Mr. Stephens | Lre of 
the 14 I of March last (of | which inclose him | a Trip- 
licate) acquaintg. | him that R. A. Rowley | was di- 
rected to give him | permission to return to | England. 
I Send Triplicate of Mr. | Stephens's Lre of the same 
date to I R. A. Rowley. 



[ PHILIP STEPHENS TO REAR ADMIRAL GRAVES^ ] 

14th March 1782. 
Sir: 

I have received and communicated to My Lords 
Commis'rs of the Adm'ty your Letter of the 20th of 
December giving an account of your proceedings in the 
1 Admiralty 2, 575, p. 68. 

D62] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

London from the time of your leaving New York to 
your arrival at Jamaica, and inclosing a List of the 
Prizes taken by the Cruizers on the North American 
Station between the 20th of August and 31st of October 
last. 

In return to the observations you have made upon 
being superceeded in the Command in North America 
by a Junior Officer and sent to the Jamaica Station 
where you can only serve in the Second Post their Lord- 
ships are pleased to direct me to acquaint you that you 
are much mistaken if you apprehend that they thereby 
meant to convey any disapprobation of your Conduct; 
for nothing could be more distant from their thoughts. 
They conceived that the sending you to Jamaica, as it 
continued you in active Service, would be received as 
a mark of their Attention, to you, and that the recalling 
you to England upon Rear Admiral Digby's arrival at 
New York might have created a suspicion that your 
Conduct was not approved. 

The Commanders-in-Chief at the Leeward Islands, 
and Jamaica were both Senior Officers to you ; For their 
Lordships, at the time they made that Arrangement, 
did not know that Sir George Rodney would come to 
England; So that there was no alternative, but to recall, 
or send you to serve under a Senior Officer. But as 
their Lordships find by your Letter abovementioned 
that you feel yourself uneasy in your present situation, 
And as they conclude that the mode in which you wish 
to be relieved in the anxiety of your mind, tho' not 
directly expressed, is the having permission to return 
to England, they have given direction to Rear Admiral 
Rowley to allow you to come home with the first Con- 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

voy he sends to England, or in any other manner that 
may be more agreeable to your inclination.^ I am, &c. 

P. S. 
Rear Admiral Graves, Jamaica. 

By the Preston 

23'd Apr. 82. 

Duplicate sent under Cover to Mr. Bell 
at Falmouth, to go by the May Pacquet. 
Triplicate by the Pacquet loth August 1782. 



THE LONDON'S JOURNAL 

From the ist to the 12th day of September, 1781. 
S. Hemmans, Master.^ 

Saturday, September i, 178 1. 

Sandy Hook N 24 W Dist. 24 Leagues. Modt 
Breezs throughout Anchd. here ye Solebay & Huzssare 
y2 past 3 PM Weighed with y Rist of our Squad & ran 
out over y Bar & Jond. Adml. Hood Fleet who Saluted 
us with 15 Guns which we Returnd. hoistd. in ye. 
Long Boat & Md. ye Sigl. for all, Lieut at 7 Bore away 
& M Sail Standing to y Suthwrd in all 19 Sail of y Line 

^ Graves did not start from the West Indies until July 25, when 
he sailed from Bluefields, Jamaica, in charge of a great convoy of 
merchantmen and met the disastrous gale mentioned in the Introduc- 
tion. He reached Plymouth October 17, 1782, and on the 21st was 
ordered to strike his flag. 

^ Admiralty Logs, 2383. 

[:i643 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



a fity Gun Ship & Some Frigts with a Fier Ship. Saw 
Strang Sails in Diferant Points of y Compass which 
we Chaced. But Did Not Com up with Sound. 24 
Fath fine clear sand 



Wednesday, September 5, 178 1. 

Cape Henry W. ^ South Dist. 4 or 5 Leagues. Fresh 
Breezs. & Cloudy y Middle & Latter Mod & Clear at 
6 AM Made ye Richmond & Soelbay Sigl. to Com 
within Hail Sent them to Look Into Chesepeek for y 
Enmiens Fleet ^ past 9 ye. Solebay Md ye. Sigl. for 
a Fleet in ye. S W >^ Past 10. Md y. Preparative Sigl. 
for Action at 10 ms. after to Call In all Cruzeres at 11 
Discoverd. a fleet of Large Ships at Anchor in Lynn 
haven Bay Md y Sigl for a Line a Head at 2 Cables 
Dist. formd. ye. Line & Standing for Lynn haven Bay 
at ye. Same time Clearing Ship & Geting Ready for 
Action 



Thursday, September 6, 178 1. 

Cape Henry W. b S. Dist 3 Leagues. Modt. & fair 
throughout }^ past 12 Discovered ye Enmieny Geting 
Under Sail % past 12 Md. y Sigl. for the Line a head 
at I Cables Lenght Asunder at i Hauld Down y Sigl. 
for y' Line & Md. y Sigl. to form an East & West Line 
at I Cable Lenght at 8 Min past Md. ye. Sigl. for y 
Rear Division Adl. Drake to make Moor Sail y ware 
Inclinable to Be Squaly took a Reef in the Topsails 20 
Min past i Md y Sigl. for ye. Leading Ship Lead more 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

to Starboard 25 Min past i Repd. ye. Sigl for ye. Rear 
of ye. Fleet to Make More Sail ^ past i Md. ye Center 
[Centaur] Sigl. to keep in her Station 35 Min past i 
md y Sigl. for ye. Leading Ships to Lead more Larg 
39 Min past i md. y Resolution, America & Bedford 
Sigl. to Get in their Station at 2 found ye Enmeyes to 
Consist of 24 Sail of y Line And 2 Frigats thire Van 
Bore S' 3 Miles Standing to ye. Eastward with their 
Larboard Tacks On Board in a Line a Head at 4 Min 
past 2 finding our Van Approaching to Nere a Shole 
Calld. y Middle Ground Md. ye. Preparative Sigl. to 
Veer 15 Min After Md. y Sigl. & Woor together 
Brought too In Order to let y Centure of y Emneys 
Ships Com a Brest of us 21 Min after Made ye. Bed- 
ford Sigl. to gett in her Station ^ past md. ye. Sigl. 
for ye. Leading Ships to Lead More to Starboard 40 
Min After Made ye. Salamander Fire Ship Sigl. to 
Prime 52 Min After made ye. Royal Oak Sigl. to keep 
ye. Line 55 Min after md. y' Terrible Sigl. to gett into 
her Station 56 Min After md. y Princessa Sigl. also at 
3 md. y Alcide Sigl. Likwise at 17 Min Starboard 27 
After Md. y' Sigl. for y Rear of y fleet to fill ^ past 3 
Md. y Sigl. for ye. Ships a Stern to make more Sail 
34 Min After Md. ye. Sigl. for ye. Ships of y Van to 
keep More to Starboad. 46 Min After Md. ye. Sigl. 
for a Line a head at i Cable Lenght ye Enmemy Ship 
Advancing Very Slow & Even Approaching y' Adml. 
Judging this to be Momant of Attack Md. ye. Sigl. for 
ye Ships to Bear Down & Engage filld. ye. Main Top- 
sail & Bore Down to y Enmemy 3 Min After Repd. 
[repeated] it 11 Min after hauld Down ye. Sigl. for y 
Line a Head that it it Might not interfear with y Sigl. 
to Engage Close ^ past 4 y Van & Center of our fleet 

C166] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Cummencd. ye. Action 22 Min After Hoistd. y Sigl. 
again for y Line a Head y Ships not Sufiiciantly Ex- 
tendd. 27^ hauld it Down again & Md. ye. Sigl. for 
a Close Action. 40 Min After Md. y Royl. Oak Sigl. 
to keep her Station. 1 1 After 5 md. y Montagu Sigl. 
to keep her Station 26 Min After Repd. y Sigl. for a 
Closer Action ^ past our Rear Bore away 35 Min 
After Md. ye. Solebay & Fortunens Sigl. to Come 
within hail 15 Min past 6 y Adml. Sent y Solebay to 
ye. Ships in y Rear & ye Fortunee to y Ships in y Van 
with Orders for y Ships to keep in a Parallel with y 
Emnemy and Well a Breast of them. During ye. Night 
& in ye. Morning when he md. y Sigl. for a Close Ac- 
tion that evry Ship would be as nere ye. Enmey as Pos- 
able 23 Min After Md. ye. Sigl. for a Line a Head at 
I Cables Lenght aSunder & Hauld Down ye. Sigl. for 
a Close Action Yz past 6 ye fier ceasd. on Bout Sides 
Yz past 7 Md. y Night Sigl. for ye. Line a head at 2 
Cables Length Asunder at y Montagua hail us and 
Said She Could not keep y Line Being so Much Dam- 
age at 10 y Fortunee Informd.ye. Adml. that ye. Shrews- 
bury had ye. Capt. and Many Men Woundd. & ye. first 
Lieutanent Killed. Bouth her topsail yards Shot away & 
was than Impld. getting outhers up & that ye Intrepd. 
was Much Disabld. in Every Respect ye. Princessa 
Main Topmast So Much Damagd as to Expect evry 
Moment to fall at 7 Cape Henry N W Dist 3 Leagues, 
at 8 found our Four & Main Mast Dangerous by 
Wounds Standing & Runing Rigging Much Cut ye. 
Iner Gammoning of ye. Bowsprite Shot a Through 
Sails much Damegd. 3 Guns Dismountd. one of which 
was thrown over Board we had 2 Men Kill'd & 18 
Woundd. at Midnight ye. Enemy to Leeward. 

1:1673 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Friday, September 7, 1781. 

Modt. & Clear y Van of y Enmey fleet South & y 
Rair W S W & y. Appeared in a Line a Head on y 
Larboard Tack ye. Kings Ships in a Parallel Line with 
them & a Breast at 6 Md. ye. Orpheus Sigl. for her 
Capt ye. Nymph Repd. ye. Shrewsbury Sigl. to Speak 
ye. Adml. Md. y- Solebay & Medea Sigl. for their 
Capts. Adml. Drake Hoistd. his Flag on Board ye. 
Alcide Sailmakers Employd. Repairing ye. Sails. 



Saturday, September 8, 1781. 

Mod & Cloudy W. at 1 1 A M Saw y land Bearing 
W B S Dis 6 or 7 Miles at 50 Min past md. y Sigl. for 
ye. Van of y fleet to Make More Sail at Noon y Emeny 
Tackd their Centure S B E aBaut 8 Miles Md. ye. 
Preparative Sigl. for ye. fleet to tack md. y Sigl. & 
Tackd. together md. y to form a Quarter Line 



Sunday, September 9, 1781. 

D W ye Enemys fleet S S E Dist 4 or 5 Leags. ^ past 
7 AM Md. y Sigl. to make More Sail at 10 AM Partd. 
Compy. ye. Richmond & Iris 3^ past 1 1 y Terrible Md. 
y Sigl. of Distress Ansd. Do. & Sent ye. Orpheus & For- 
tunie to her Assistance. 



Tuesday, September 11, 1781. 

Light Breezs. & fair Wr. at 7 PM Md. y Sigl. for all 
Lieut, hoisted out y Long boat Reed, from H M S 

[■68] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Terrible 12 Marines & 30 Barrels of Powder and Som 
Gunners Stores. 



Wednesday, September 12, 1781. 

Light Airs & Fogy PM Reed, from His M S In- 
trepd. 13 Seaman Md. ye. Sigl. for all Officers to Re- 
pair on Boad. ^ past 8 H M S Terrible was Set on 
Fire y^ past 9 Md. y Night Sigl. to make More Sail at 
10 Sent ye. Fortunie ahead to ye. fleet md. y Fortunie 
& Orpheus Sigl. to within Hail. 



D693 



Courses 



Winds 



South 



S E b E JE 

SE 



S S E 

So. 

<< 

S W b w 



W N W 



NWbN 



N bW 



NbE 

N N E 
N E 



Sound- 
ings 



i6 
17 

13 
15 

16 

21 
21 
22 

21 

21 

21 

23 
24 
22 
24 



Colour of the Ground 



fine brown Sand 
fine White do. 



D703 



on's Log 

ly of September, 1781' 

laster 



Remarks &c Saturday Sepr. ist 1781 



/lodte. Breezes & Cloudy Wr. Anchd. here H M. Ship 
lussar & Solebay from New York Discharged 43 Men 
ito the Hussar 

^lade the Sigl. & Got under Weigh & run Over the Barr 
"oind. the Squadn. under the Command of Adml. Hood 
eturned Adml. Hood's Salute with 13 Guns hoisted in 
he Longboat Made the Sigl. for all Lts. 
3ore away as did the Fleet. 



:he Never sunk N W b N 5 Leags. 



the Fortunee made the Sigl. for a Strange Sail 
made the Solebays Sigl. to Chace & the Fortunee. 

Made the Richmond's & Solebay's Sigl. to join the Fleet 



Latd. Obsd. 39° 19' N 
in Company with the Ships. 

Vizt. Barfleur Rear Adml. Hood, Prlncessa Rear Adml. Drake Alfred Shrewsbury Amer- 
ica, Invincible, Monarch Richmond Alcide Adamant Le Nymphe Orpheus Belhqueux, 
Terrible Santa Monica Solebay, Intrepid La Fortunee Resolution Europe Sybile Centaur 
Royal Oak Bedford Montagu Aja x Jane Sloop, Salamander Fire Ship 

1 Admiralt\' Logs, No. 2383. 



K 


F 


4 


6 


Up 


NN 


3 


(1 


3 


6 


3 

I 


4 
6 


I 
3 


6 
6 


3 


K 


3 


4 


2 


4 


2 


K 


3 


<l 


3 


(I 


3 


(( 


2 


4 


2 


f 1 


I 
I 


4 


2 


6 
6 


I 


4 


I 


(1 


u 


6 


(( 


4 



Courses 



S W b w 

W of N W 
S W b W 



s s 



w 



w 



Winds 



N E 



N N E 



Sound- 
ings 



23 
23 
24 
23 

i8 

20 

19 

20 
21 
24 
24 

25 
25 
23 
24 

24 
24 

24 
25 
24 

24 

24 
24 



Collour of the Ground 



fine Gray Sand 
Do. 



fine White Sand 



Dark brown Sand 



[1723 



Remarks, &c. Sepr 2d, 1781 



lodte. & Clear Sent the Princessa & Barfleur fresh Beef 



le Nymph made the Sigl. for seeing the Land Opened 
barrels of Pork Contents 416 Short 5 ps. 



ilade the Fortunee's Sigl. to Chace and also the Nymph 

t Sybil 

everal Strange Sails in Sight. 



he America to Chace 



'erformed Divine Service Light Airs & Variable 
I Latd. Osbd. 38° 33' N 

I 



1^731 



H 


K 


F 


Courses 


Winds 




Collour of the 


1 

Ground 


I 


I 




wsw 


So. 








2 


I 




WbS 


S bW 








3 


I 








26 






4 


I 








26 






5 


2 








20 


Coarse brown Sand 




6 


2 


3 






19 






7 


3 


3 


WbS 




H 






8 


3 








15* 
i6 


Large Gravel 




9 


3 


2 






17 






lO 


3 


6 






17 


White Sand 




1 1 


3 


3 


SD^E 




17 






12 


3 




SE 


s sw 


19 






I 


2 


4 






19 






2 


I 


6 






i8 






3 


2 








21 






4 


2 








19 






5 


1 








20 






6 


I 








21 






7 


I 








21 






8 


2 


4 


S EbE 


SWbW 


24 






9 


2 


4 


WbS 


SbW 


23 






10 


2 








23 






1 1 


2 


4 






19 






12 


3 


4 


Wt. 


SSW 


19 







[174] 



Remarks &c. Sepr. 3d, 178 1 



^ight Airs 
Strange Sail in the S W 



IslVd in all Cruizers 

/lodte. & Haze J' 
/lade the Sigl & Tkd. 



he Medea joind the Fleet with a Prize Brig 
-lade the Nymph's Sigl. to Chace 
iade the Sigl. & Tkd. 

arted Compy. with the Medea & her Prize & the Iris 



iodte. Breezes & Cloudv 
Latd. Obsd. 38° 20' N 



1:175: 















i 


H 


K 


F 


Courses 


Winds 


Sound- 
ings 


Collour of the Ground 


I 


3 


I 


WbS 


SbW 


17 


fine Wt. Sand i 


2 


3 


4 






15 




3 


3 








12 




4 


2 


6 


S E JE 




12 




5 


3 








12 


'■ 


6 


3 


4 


SE 


s s w 


19 




7 


J) 


4 






21 




8 


3 








22 




9 


3 


4 


SEbS 


S Wb s 


23 




lO 


3 




SS E 


s w 


25 




1 1 


2 


5 






30 




12 


2 


4 


SEbS 


S Wb S 


34 






I 




N Wb N 
Wb N 


S WbS 


37 




I 
2 


2 


4 
4 


3 


3 


3 






32 




4 


3 


2 






24 




5 


3 








25 




6 


3 


4 


Wb N^N 




24 




7 


6 








25 




8 


3 


4 


W b N 




17 




9 


3 


6 






15 ■ 




10 


3 


3 


S S E 


s w 


i6 




II 


2 


7 






i6 




12 


2 


6 






i6 





CI76] 



Remarks &c. Tuesday Sepr. 4th. 1781 



iodte. & Cloudy Answd. the Nymph's Sigl. for Seeing 
e Land. 



vv the Land Made the Sigl & Tkd. Opened a Cask 
( Beef, Contts 208 pieces. 

. iswd the Nymph's Sigl. for 3 Sail in the NE 



ade the Sigl. for the Ships to Windward to bear 
wn on the Admls. Wake 
esh Breezes & Cloudy 



ade the Sigl. & Tkd 



esh Gales & Cloudy 



ade the Nymph's Sigl. to keep 2 Points on the 

rbd. Bow & the Sana. Monica to look out in the S E 

N the Land Made the Sigl. & Tkd. 



?sh Breezes & Cloudy 

Latd. Obsd. 38° 15' N 



D77] 



1 

2 

3 

4 

5 
6 

7 
8 

9 

lO 

II 

12 
1 
2 

3 
4 
5 
6 

7 
8 

9 

lO 

1 1 

12 



K 

2 
2 

3 
2 

3 
1 
1 
I 



Courses 



I 

2 
3 

5 
4 
4 
5 
6 
6 
6 
6 
5 
5 
4 



6 

4 
6 
6 

4 

4 
4 
5 
4 
6 
4 
4 

2 



SbE^E 
S S E 



South 
s W^W 

South 

sw 



s s w 



s w 



SWb W 



Winds 



Sound- 
ings 



SW bW 

s w 

S SW 

N Wb N 

N W 
W N W 



N W 



N N W 



N N E 



Collour of the Ground 



C178D 



Remarks &c Wednesday, Sepr. 5th, 1781 



""resh Breezes & Hazey Saw 2 Sail in the S E 
Jade the Sigl. & Tack'd 

Lnswd. Sana. Monica's Sigl. for Seeing the Land 
/lade the Sigl. to Call in all Cruizers 
/lade the Sigl. & Tkd. 



lodt. & Cloudy 



resh Gales & Cloudy People Empd. Scrubing their Hammocks 



lade the Fortunee's Sigl. to Chase to the S E 

!ade the Nymph's Sigl. to keep 2 points on the Larbd. Bow 



he Solebay made the Sigl. for a Fleet in the S W. Cape 
enry Wt. 6 Leags. Made the Sigl. to prepare for Action 
to Call in all Cruizers Discovered a Fleet of Large Ships 
Anchor near Cape Henry Made the Sigl for the Line 
Battle ahead at 2 Cables Length. 
Noon Cape Henry W 3^ S 4 or 5 Leages. 



1:179] 



K 



4 3 



Courses 



Wb s 



Winds Remarks &c. 

N N E Modte. & fair Yz past 12 dis- 
the Sigl. for the Line ahead 
the Line ahead, and Made 
At 8 Min. after i Made the Sigl. 
the Weather inclining to be 
I made the Sigl. for the leading 
the Sigl. for the Rear of the 
to keep her Station. 35 M. past 
39 Minutes past i Made the 
their Station. At 2 found the 
and 2 frigates their Van bearing 
board Tacks on board, in a 
approaching too near a Shoal 
to Wear 1 1 M. Afterguards made 
to let the Center of the Enemy's 
Bedford's Sigl. to Get into 
-ing Ship to lead more to 
to Prime 52 M. Made the 
the Terribles Sigl. to Get into 
and at 3 made the Alcide's 
for the Van Ship to keep 
the Fleet to fill ^ past 3 
more Sail. 34 M. made 
Starbd. 46 Min. Made the Sigl. 
Ships advancing very Slow 



C180] 



Thursday, Sepr. 6th. 1781 



covered the Enemy's Fleet getting under Sail Made 
I Cable length distant At i hauld down the Sigl. for 
the Sigl to form an Et. & Wt. Line at i Cable length 
for the Rear Division (Adml. Drake) to make more Sail. 
Squally took a Reef in the T. Sails 20 Minutes past 
Ship to lead more to Starbd. 25 Min. past i Rept. 
Fleet to make more Sail Yz past i the Centaur's Sigl. 
I the Sigl. for the leading Ship to lead more Large. 
Resolution's America & Bedford's Sigl. to Get into 
Enemy's fleet to Consist of 24 Ships of the Line 
So. 3 Miles standing to the Eastv^^ard with their Lar- 
Line ahead. At 4 Minutes past 2 finding our Van 
(called the Middle Ground) made the preparitive Sigl. 
the Sigl. and Wore together, brought to in Order 
Ships come abreast of us 21 M. past 12. Made the 
her Station Yz past 2 made the Sigl. for the lead- 
Starbd. 40 M. Past 2 Made the Salamander's Sigl. 
Royal Oak's Sigl. to keep the Line 55 Min: Made 
her Station 56 M. Made the Princessa's Sigl. also 
Sigl. likewise At 17 Minutes past 3 Repd. the Sigl. 
to Starbd. 27 M. Made the Sigl. for the Rear of 
made the Sigl. for the Ships A Stern to Make 
the Sigl. for the Ships in the Van to keep more to 
for a Line ahead at i Cable length the Enemys 
and evening approaching the Adml. judging this to 



ciSin 



H 


K 


F 


Courses 


Winds 


Remarks, &c. 










be the Moment of attack made 


4 






-3 




their Opponents, filld. the Main 
repeated it. 1 1 M. hauld down 
interfere with the Sigl. to Engage 
-menced the Action 22 M. 
not being Sufficiently extended. 


5 






w 

u 
_c 

o 

"3 




for close Action, 40 Min. the Royal 
her Station. 20 Min. Repd. the 
Min. Made the Solebay's & 


6 






en 
V2 




6 the Adml. Sent the Solebay 
those in the Van with Orders 
the Enemy and well abreast 
Line i Cable length and haul'd 


7 










ceased on both Sides ^ past 


9 


2 


6 


S E b E 


N EbE 


Cables length assunder. at 9 
the Line being so much 


10 


2 


6 






The Fortunee inform'd the 

and many Men wounded 

and was then Empd. getting 

in every Respect. The 

as to Expect it every 

3 Leagues. Found our 

-ing and Running Rigging i 

Shot through Sails Much 

thrown over board, 2 Men 



D82: 



Thursday, Sepr. 6th. 1781 



tie Sigl. for the Ships to bear down and Engage 
^opsail & bore down to the Enemy. 3 Min. past 4 
he Sigl. for the Line ahead that it might not 
lose % past 4 the Van & Center of our Fleet com- 
oisted the Sigl. again for the Line ahead the Ships 
7 M. haul'd down the Sigl. for the Line ahead and made the Sigl. 
)aks Sigl. to keep her Station i M past 5 the Montagu's to get into 
igl. for Close action ^ past our Rear bore up 35 
"ortunee's Sigl. to come within Hail. 15 Min past 
the Ships in the Rear and the Fortunee to 
or the Ships to keep in a parallel Line with 
f them during the Night 23 Min. Sigl. for the 
own the Sigl for Close Action ^^ past the fire 
made the Night Sigl. for the Line ahead 2 
he Montagu Hail'd Said She could not keep 
)amaged. 

\.dml. that the Shrewsbury had the Captain 
: first Lt. Killed both his Topsail Yds shot away, 
)ne up the Intrepid was much disabled 
'rincessa's Main Topmast so much Wounded 
/loment to fall. At 7 Cape Henry N W 
/Iain & Fore Mast Dangerously Wounded Stand- 
luch Cutt. Inner Gammoning of the Bowsprit 
damaged 3 Guns Dismounted One of Which was 
uUed & 18 Wounded at 9 Modte. & Clear the 



C183] 



H 


K 


F 


Courses 


Winds 


Remarks, &c 












Van of the Enemy's 


11 


3 


I 


S E^E 


E N E 


in a Line ahead 
them and abreast 


12 


2 


4 


S E 


u 


Do. Wr. the French 


I 


I 


2 




tl 




2 


2 


4 




u 




3 


2 


2 


SEiS 


" 




4 


2 


3 




<1 


Do. Wr. the French 


5 


2 


3 




u 


Made the Sigl. 


6 


I 


4 


SE 


n 


Made the Orpheus's 


7 


I 


6 




" 


the Nymph Repd. 
the French Fleet 


8 


I 


6 




il 


Made the Adamant's 


9 


I 


4 




(( 


Made the Solebay's 


10 


I 


4 




" 


of our Van much 
-ing the Main- 


1 1 


I 


6 




l( 


Made the Alcide 
Line 


12 


I 


4 




l( 


The French Fleet 



ni843 



Septr. 6th. 1781 

Icet South & the Rear W S W and Appear'd 
n the Larboard Tk our Ships parallel with 

'leet to Leeward about 3 Miles 



ieet as above 

)r forming a Line a Battle ahead 

igl. for her Captain 

le Shrewsburys Sigl. to Speak the Adml. 

ctending in a Line to Leeward 

!gl. to Come within Hail 

Medea's Sigl. for their Captains Observed some 
'isabled Empd. Reeving & Splicing the Rigging fish- 
ast, &c. 

Princessa's Sigl. to change Stations in the 

Leeward about 5 Miles parrallel with Ours 



D853 



Shi 
Shi 



Shi 
D 

Up 
Up 



6 
3 

2 

3 

(( 

4 

4 

ps h 
ps h 



ps h 
o. fr 

s s 

WN 



Courses 



E S E 



S E b S 



S E 



Winds 



N E 



E b N 



E N E 



E N E 

E b W 

(( 

ead from Eas 
ead from N 



ead S to S W 
om W S W 

E off E S 

W off S W 
N W 



S E 



Sound- 
ings 



15 
15 
15 
i6 



17 
i8 
i8 
19 

21 



Remarks, &c 



S EbS 


i8 


" 


17 


Calm 




t to North 




E to S E 




(1 




to E b S 






22 


E 




bS 


22 



Modt. Breezs. & Clear Wr. 
Empd. Repairg ye. Rigging 
Unbent ye. fore topsail & 
Do. Wr. Sett T Gt. Sails & 
ye. Signl. for ye. Line ahead 

Do. Wr. in T. Gt. Sails 

Light Airs & Cloudy, ye. Van 

Hd. Ship & Sett top Gallt. 
Do. W 

hauld. Down ye. Sigl. for ye. 
at ye french fleet in Sight 
Light Airs & Cloudy Wr. with 
at 5 made ye. Day Sigl. for 



Do. Wr. ye. Center of ye. 
S b W Dist 4 Leagues 
Made Severl. Ships Sigl. for 
Md. ye Sigl. to Veer Do. 
Do. Wr. empd. Repairing ye. 



li%2 



Friday, Sept. 7th. 1781 



Carpenters Empd. fishing the Main mast Seaman 

e. french fleet in sight 

Jent Anouther 

lUt first Reef Mizen Sail at Sun Sett haul'd Down 



nade ye. Night Sigl. for ye. Line ahead 

J Melcomb. 
^hip Kd. & ye Line tacking in succession 

Sails 

C. P. 

-/ine ahead 

Searing S b W 2 Leags. J. Luck 

'ighting in ye S E Qr. ye. Enemy's fleet Still in Sight 
'e Line ahead. 

J. Melcomb 

inemys fleet 

Jail Maker Empd. Repairing ye Sails 
Dfficers ye. Carpenters Empd. fishing ye foremast 
V^eerd. Ship to ye Wtd. 

iliging J. Luck 

Lattd. Obsd. 36 08 No. C P 



CiSj] 



Courses 



Up Wb 

Off WN 

West 

J. Mel comb 



SE 

SEbS 

S SE 
SbE 

S^E 

South 



No. 

N W 

W N W 



Winds 



S SW 

w 



Sound- 
ings 



S SW 

S Wb S 

S w 
S WbW 



W S W 



S W 



19 
18 

15 

16 

17 
16 

17 
18 
20 
23 



19 
19 
17 
17 
17 



Remarks, &c. 



Modt. Breezs. & fair mad ye. 

to get into her Station Rould- 

ye. Line of Battle ahead & Md. 

8 to I at a Quarter past 3 hauld 

ahead at 2 Md. ye. Sigl. for ye. 

for ye. Leading Ships to keep 

West 4 or 5 Leags. Made ye. 

of ye Land from W b N to 

of Battle ahead 

C P. 

Modt. Breezs. and fine 

at Yi. past 2 ye. Solebay hauld 
Van of Them Bore South & 
Do and. Wr. Saw ye. flash of 

Saw 3 Strang Sail in ye 

Do. wear. Made ye Sigl. and woi 
Opend. 4 Barrels of Beef Con- 
to Bear Down into ye Adml. 

Saw ye Land from ye. Mast 
ye fleet to Make more Sail at 
Private Sigl. for ye fleet togethe; 
and Quarter Line. 



Cissn 



Sunday 8 Sept. 1781 



igl. for ye. Line of Battle 10 Min After Made ye Oarspus Sigl. 
ig ye. fore Mast at 18 Mints, before one hauld. Down ye. Sigl. for 
I. Sigl. for ye. Division on j^e. Starb tack to lead on ye. Larboard 
)o\vn ye. Sigl. for Veering ye. Line & ans, Sigl. for ye. Line of Battle 
an to fill Upon ye. Wind at 20 Min past 2 Made ye. Sigl. 
z Wind lO Min after hauld it Down Saw ye. Land Bear 
igl. for ye. Van to tack at 7 Modt. & Hazy Tkd. Ship ye. Extremes 
b E Dist at 4 Lea at 7 Made ye Night Sigl. to keep ye Line 



^ear. J. Luck 

s to acquaint ye. Adl. ye. french fleet had Just tackd. & ye. 
ley Appeard. to be S tearing from ye. wind 
Gun Bearing East J. Melcombe 



^.E. 



.ihip ye. Van of ye. Enemy South ye Rear E S E Dis. 6 or 7 Miles 
tents 208 pieces y2 past 8 Made ye. Sigl. for ye. to Windward 

Vake 

lead bearing W b S 6 Leags. Dist 50 M pt 1 1 Made ye Sigl. for ye Van of 
"^oon ye Enemy Tackd. their Center S b E Dist at 8 Mile Md ye 
,0 After made ye Sigl. and Tackd. and Md. ye Sigl. to form ye Bow 

J Luck 

Latt Obsd. 36° 4 North 



[1893 



Sound- 
ings 



4 
4 

Up 

(< 

Up 



4 

2 

4 

6 
6 
6 
6 
6 

5 
6 

II 



Courses 



21 



E b S 



19 



23 



30 



40 



So. 

S E 

NWoff 

off S E 



East N 



E b S^ S 



E S E 

NWb N 
N NW 



Winds 



wsw 

Vble 
W D 

N E b N 
N E 



N E b N 



N E 



N b W N E b E 



C190] 



Remarks &c. 



Mod & Cloudy Wr. 
Squally with Thunder & 
H M S Iris Medea Pegasus 
Do. Wr. Made ye Singl to 
Contents 336 pieces Short 
Do. Wr. Enemys fleet S S E 

Do. Md. Sail got Down top 

partd. Company ye Richmond 
handed ye Mizen Top 
Fresh Breezs. & Cloudy 



Fresh Breezs. & Cloudy 
Do. W at daylight ye 
ye fleet H M S Richmond 
1/2 past 7 Made ye Sigl 
Fresh Breezs & Clear Wr. 

Split ye Mizen T Sail 

Md. ye Pegasus Sigl. 

Handd. ye fore & Main top 
And sent ye Fortunee & Orphei 
& Cloudv 



Sunday 9th. Septr. 1781 



Lighting & Rain Close Reefd. ye topsails Joind. ye fleet 
l^e. Center of ye french fleet S S E Dist 4 Leagus. 
Veerd. Do. Wore Ship I Send a Cask of Port No. 6 C C 
8 pieces. 
Dist 4 or 5 Leags. Yz past 7 Md. ye Sigl. to Make Sail 

Gt. Yards J Luck 

& Iris 

Sail 

Weather with rain 



Enemys Fleet bore South Dist 4 Leags Missing from 

& Iris 

& Ship 

ye Center of ye Enemys fleet S b E Dist 4 Leag 

Unbent it and Bent a Nouther 

for ye Captain 

Sails at Noon ye Terrible Md. ye Sigl. of Dist. Ansd. Do. 
■to her Asistance. French Fleet S S E 4 or 5 Leas. Fresh Gails 
Latt Obs 35-48 N 

D91] 



H 


K 


F 


Sound- 
ings 


w. 


Courses 


Remarks &c. 


I 






Up 

off 


Nb W 
N W 


N E b E 


Fresh Breezs. & Cloudy 


2 






6 


N b W 


iW 


Made ye Sig'l to Make 


3 




4 


25 






ahead at too Cables 


4 




5 


24 






Do. Wear ye Rear of ye 


5 




4 


19 


N b W 




-penters Empd. a Occasionally 


6 




5 


15 






Do. Wear, ye Center of y 


7 




6 




North 


E N E 


Md. ye Sigl. & Wore Ship 


8 


2 


4 


i8 


SE 




The Terrible md. ye Sigl. 


9 






19 


Up S E b E 


off S S E 


Night Sigl. to Lay By 


10 














II 






20 








12 






21 






Modt. Breezs. & Cloudy md. 


I 


2 


4 


20 


S E b E 


N EbE 




2 


2 


4 


21 








3 


2 


4 


21 








4 


2 


2 


21 






Fresh Breezs & Cloudy 


5 


2 


5 








found Missing from ye 


6 


2 


6 








ye Mizen Topsail Md. ye 


7 


2 


4 










8 


2 


6 


25 


SE 


E N E 


Do. Wear. 


9 


2 


3 


68 








10 


2 


5 




SEbS 






II 


2 


6 








Got Down ye fore T G 


12 


1 


3 




N NE 




Do. Wear. Made ye Sigl. 




I 


3 





D923 



Monday loth. Sept. 



[ore Sail After Lying By an to form ye Line of Battle 

ength asunder 

nemy's fleet S E ye Van E b N Dist 9 or lo Miles ye Car- 

nemy fleet East too or 3 Leags. 

;tt ye fore Top Sail ye f rench fleet E N E Dist 5 or 6 Ms. 

I speak ye Adml. Bore Down to Speak her Md. y 

1 ye Larb tack 



; Sigl. to make Sail After Lying By 



;et ye Pegasus & Solebay french fleet out or Sight Sett 
lontague Sigl. to into her Station 



at and Got up a Nouther 

id Tackd, 
LattObsd. 35 15 CR 



D933 



H 


K 


F 


Sound- 
ings 


Courses 


Winds 


— 

Remarks, &c. 


I 


2 




no 
Ground 


N N E 


East 


Modt. Breezs. and Cloudy 


2 


I 


6 


75 








3 


I 


5 








Yz pt. 3 Made y Sigl for 


4 




6 










5 
6 


'Up 


N 
No. 


N E 
off 


ff N NW 
NW 


E N E 


Do. Wear. Opend. a Cask of 
Making After Lying by 


7 




Up 


No. off 


N N W 






8 


2 




23 


N^ W 






9 


2 




23 








10 


2 


I 


22 


North 






11 


I 


4 


22 


NbE 


EbN 




12 


I 


6 


22 






Light. Breezs. & fine Weather 


1 


I 


6 


22 








2 


2 




22 








3 


I 


6 


22 








4 


I 


" 


22 






Light. Airs Do. Wear. 


5 


1 


( ( 


25 






Out 3d. reef Topsails 


6 


1 I 
> 






Up N bW 


off N NW 


Brot. too Maintop sail to ye M 


7 
8 


, 




24 








9 








Up N bE 


off NW 


Empd, Supplying Difft. Ships 


10 












The Terrible leakd. so much 


II 






23 




East 


at 1 1 Saw ye Land Bearing 


12 








UpN N E 


off N NW 


Do. Wear. Receivd. from H IV 



D94] 















Tuesday 


nth. Sept 1781 


Veekly Accounts 












J Luck 


leef Contents 


208 pieces 


8 Short at 7 


md. ye Sigl. for 


:. P. 


J Luck 




J Melcombe 



J Melcombe 

I 

: 7 Md. ye Sigl. for all Lieuts. hoistd. out ye Long Boat 



'ith Water Supplyd ye Alcide with 20 tun of Water 

lat ye fleet was Impd. in getting her Stores out of her 

7 N W Dist 7 Leags. 

errible 12 Marines 30 Barralls of Powder & some Guners Stores. J. Luck. 

Latt Obs 35-30 North 



[■95] 



H 


K 


F 

Up 


Sound- 
ings 


W. 


Courses 


Remarks &c. 


I 




N E off E b 


E E S E 


Light Airs & Clear Wr 


2 




Up 




E b N off N 


EbE SEbS 




3 




Up 




E off N E b 


E S S E 




4 




Up 




E S E off E 


bE S 


Do. Wr. Sett j-e Lowr. and 


5 
6 












Md. ye Sigl. for all Officers 


7 




Up 




S E off E b 


s s s w 




8 












Do. Wr. y2 past 8 H M Ship 


9 






20 






to make Sail at lO Sent 


10 


I 


4 


21 


No 


s s w 




1 1 


4 


4 


21 


(( 


(1 




12 


4 


5 


21 


(1 


t( 


Modt. & Clear Wr. 


I 


4 


3 


22 








2 


4 


4 


22 








3 


4 


6 


21 








4 


4 


4 


21 


(1 


(( 


Do. W. C. P. 


5 


6 




21 




sw 




6 


5 


6 


20 


N N W i 


W " 


Squally with Rain Md. ye 


7 


4 


4 


l8 


N Wb N 


w sw 


Got up T. Gt. Yards 


8 


4 


u 


l6 


N W 




Modt. & Cloudy Wr. Md. ye 


9 


3 


4 


l6 


N N W 


Wt. 


lett ye Reefs out of the 


lO 


2 


4 


l6" 






Sett T Gt Sails 


II 


2 


2 


19 


Nb E 


N Wb W 




12 


I 


(( 


20 


N E 


N N W 





1:1963 



Wendsday I2th Sept. 1781 



Recvd from H M S Intrepid 13 Seaman 

Topmast Shouds 

to Repair on Board their Respective Ships. C P 

Terrible was Sett on fier at Yi past 9 Md. ye Night Sigl. 
ye Fortunie a head to Lead ye fleet 

J Melcombe 



Midias Sig to Com within Hail 

Orphues & Fortunee Sigl. to Come within hail 
Topsails 



J. Melcombe 
Latt Obsd. 36-44 N The Fleet in Company 



1:197] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



A LOG BOOK OF HIS MAJESTY'S SHIP BARFLEUR BETWEEN 

THE 1ST AND THE IlTH OF SEPTEMBER, 1781, 

BY SAML. BLYTH MASR.^ 

September ist, 178 1 

Moderate Breezes and Cloudy >^ past 2 the La 
Nymph came out of the Hook, at 3 Adml. Graves got 
under Way. Hove into >^ of a Cable. ^ past 4. Saluted 
Admiral Graves with 1 3 Guns and Weighd. Join'd. Com- 
pany the London, (Adml. Graves) Europa, Royal Oak, 
Bedford, America, Adamant, Richmond, and Solebay. 
at 8. pm Sandy Hook Lighthouse West 5 or 6 Miles. 
}i past 8 Wore pr. Sigl. >^ past 9 Set T:Gt: sails — 
at 10. Out 2d. Reefs TiSails Sandy Hook Light house 
W N W >^ W & Never Sunk W S W— Set MiSail. 
at 12 the Adml. E B S, and the High land of Never 
Sunk W 3^4 N 3 Leagues — In T:Gt: sails and down 
Stay sails — y^ past i AM the Admll. bearing 4 pt. be- 
fore the Beam — at 2 Haul'd up & Made Sail to get in 
Our Station, at 3 Admiral South — Shortned Sail. >4 
past 8 Set Top Gt: Sails. In Company — London, Prin- 
cessca, Alfred, Belliqueax, Invincible, Monarch, Cen- 
taur, America, Resolution, Bedford, Royal Oak, Mon- 
tague, Europe, Terrible, Ajax, Alcide, Intrepid, 
Shrewsbury, Adamant, Santamonica, La Fortunee, La 
Nymph, Sybil, Richmond, Solebay, Jane & Salaman- 
der. 

1 Admiralty Logs, No. 2160. 

C198] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Signals Made 

At y2 past I Made the St. Amonica's Sigls. for her Cap- 
tain. ^ past 2, For the Masters of the Invincible, 
Monarch, Resolution & Montaqua. ^ past 3. The 
Sigl. to Weigh — at 5 Admiral Graves Made the Sigl. 
for all Lieutenants — >^ past 8. Admirals made the Sigl. 
to Make Sail, after laying by. jA past 8 to Alter the 
Course, repeated both the Sigls. 

AM — at 2. Adml. Made the Sigl. to Alter the Course 4 
points, at 5 Adml. Made the La Fortunee's to look out 
ahead, and the St. Amonica's to look out 2 pts. on the 
Larboard Bow — And at 7. the Solebay's to Chace to 
Windwd., 5^ past 7 the Richmond's to Look out 2 
points on the Starboard Bow — at 8 the La Fortunee's 
to look out in the N.E. Qr. at 25 Minutes past 8. The 
Richmonds to Make More Sail — ^ past 9 to recall the 
Richmond 5 : Minutes past 10: the Admiral fir'd a Gun 
to inforce the Signal — We repeated the Signal, at the 
Same time the La Fortunee fir'd a Gun & Hoisted her 
Colours — ^ past 10. Admiral made the La Nymph's to 
look out 2 points on the Larboard bow. 



September 4th, 178 1 

Light Breezes and Hazey weather Tack'd Fresh 
Breezes and Hazey Adml E B S in 2d. Reefs Top 
sails Set the Main Sail. 

AM.— Do. Wr. Admiral E S E >4 past 12 Hauld down 
the tacking Signal ji past i AM Tack'd to keep our 

[199] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Station. Fresh Breezes and Cloudy weather Adml. 
N B W. % past 4 up M :Sail at 6. Down Top Gallant 
Yards % past 8. Up T:Gt: yards Set T:Gt: Sails 34 
past 9. Tack'd & Out 2d. Reefs of the Topsails ^ past 
10. In T:Gt: Sails Fresh Breezes and Clear weather 
In Company as before 



Signals Made 

P.M. — 20 Minutes past i La Nymph Made the Signal 
for Seeing the Land, at 3. Repeated the Sigls. to Tack. 
yl past 5 Shrewsbury Made the Sigl. for a Sail in the 
N E Qr. ^ past 6 Repeated the Sigl. for the Weather- 
most Ships to bear down, at 12 Repeated the Sigl. to 
Tack. 

AM — at y2 past Repeated the Sigl. Wear at ^ past 7. 
Repeated the Sata Monica's Sigl. to Chace in the S E. 
ji past 8 The Adml. Made the Sigl, for Seeing the 
Land, at 9 Repeated the Sigl. to Tack ^ past 9 Re- 
peated the La Nymph's Sigl. to look out 2 points on the 
Larboard bow. ^ past 8 La Fortunee Made the Sigl. 
for Seeing a Sail in ye N. W. Qr. 



September 5th, 1781. 

Fresh Breezes and Hazey weather ^ past 2 Tack'd 
Join'd Company H. M. S. Richmond. ^ past 3 Set T. 
Gt. Sails. Tack'd. Squaly weather. Close Reef'd the 
Topsails & Down T. Gt. Yards Thunder Lightening & 
rain, at 7. fair weather & Moderate Set the Fore Sail & 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Close Reef d Topsails— at 8 Admiral S. E. B. S. Yi S. 
AM. Fresh Breezes and fair weather. Admiral S E B 
S >4 S Do. Wr. Latd. 37° oz' No. Out 3d. Reefs of the 
Topsails. Let Out the 2d. & ist. Reefs of Topsails. Saw 
the Land bearing N W Saw a Strange Sail, in the N E 
Qr. standing into the fleet. Saw a Fleet bearing W B S 
at Anchor within Cape Henry, at 11 Set Studding sails 
at Noon all our Fleet in Company. Cape Henry W B S 
2 Leagues. 



Signals Made. 

y2 past I pm Adml. Hood made the Sigl. to a Ship 
joining the Fleet — after parting Company, at 2 Re- 
peated the Signal to Tack. 34 P^st 5 Repeated the Sigl. 
for all Cruizers. 20 Minutes past 5. Repeated the Sig- 
nal to Tack. Yz past 1 1 Repeated the Signal to Alter 
the Course One pt. to port, AM. ^ past 6. Adml. Hood 
Made the Solebay and Richmonds Signl. to come 
within hail. 3^ past 6. Adm'l. made the La Fortunee's 
Sigl. to Look out in the S E Qr. at 7 for the Nymph to 
look out 2 points on the Larboard bow at Do. the Al- 
fred Made the Sigl. for Seeing the Land, at ^ past 9 
the Solebay made the Sigl. for a Fleet in the SW Qr. at 
10. the Bedford Made the Sigl. for 16 Sail in the SW 
Qr. at 5 Minutes past 10. the Admiral Made the Signal 
to prepare for Action. The Barfleur repeated the Sigl. 
for preparing for Action, and Clear'd Ship for Action, 
at Do. the Admiral made the Sigl. Call the Cruizers 
from the SW Qr. and fifety Minutes past 10 he made 
the La Nymph's to come with Hail. Repeated the Sigl. 
for the Line ahead at two Cables length asunder. 

[I201] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

September 6th, 178 1 

Moderate and fair weather. Took in the Studding sails 
& first Reefs of the Topsails, at the same time Bunted 
the Main Sail, at 2 The Enemy's fleet coming out in a 
line ahead standing to the Eastward — at Yx past 2, 
Wore per Signal as did all the fleet together — Cape 
Henry WBS 2 Leagues, at ^ past 3 the Admiral 
Hoisted his Colours as did the Fleet — at 4 the Admiral 
haul'd down the Signal for Altering the Course as did 
the Barfleur. Cape Henry West 2 or 3 Leagues — at ^ 
past 4 the Vane [van] Ship began to Engage at the 
Same time the Signal was made for Engaging — ^ past 
5 the Enemies Shot went over Us — about 50 Minutes 
past 5, the Barfleur & Monarch, Open'd their fire on the 
Enemy — 35 Minutes past 6 Haul'd the wind and 
Tack'd to gain Our Station, at 7 retack'd for Do. at ^ 
past 7 the Solebay past and Ask'd Us where the Alfred 
was — 45 Minutes past 7 Observ^ed the Admiral's Night 
Signal for the line of Battle, haul'd down the Day Sigl. 
The Orpheus join'd the fleet in the time of the Action — 
at 10 Shortn'd Sail & J^ past brought too. at 12 fiU'd. 
The Admiral bearing SE about Yi Miles Dist. the 
Enemies Rear Ships, S >4 W 3 Miles — Yz past 12 Set 
T:Gt: Sails and Staysails — at 4. the Admiral bore 
SEBE Dist. 3 Miles. The Enemy's fleet from SBE to 
ESE y2 past 6 in T: Gt: Sails & Back'd the Main T: 
sail, at 7. fill'd the Main Topsail — Light Breezes and 
Clear — at 9 the Medea Join'd Company, at 11. Ad- 
miral Drake Shiffted his Flag to the Alcide, and the 
Princessa and Alcide Change Stations in the Line. Cap- 
tain Everet came on board the Barfleur. at Noon Light 
Airs and fair Weather. 

[202] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Signals. 

P.M. at Yi past the Admiral made the Sigl. for the line 
ahead, at one Cables length aSunder, which we re- 
peated, at I the Admiral Made the Sigl. for the line of 
bearings East & West a Cables length aSunder. Which 
we repeated — yi past i the Admiral made the Sigl. for 
the Rear Admiral, and his Division to Make More 
Sail — 25 Minutes past i Adml. made the Sigl. to Alter 
the Course to port. 29 past i the Admiral made the 
Sigl. for the Rear Admiral & his Division to make 
more Sail — 32 Minutes past i Adml. made the Cen- 
taur's Sigl. to keep a more regular line — 36 Minutes 
past I. Adml. made the Sigl. to Alter the Course to 
Starboard. 40 Minutes past i, Adml. made the Amer- 
ica's Sigl. for being out of her Station. 45 Minutes past 
I. We made the Alfred's Sigl. to make More Sail — 48 
Minutes past i. Adml. Drake Made the Intrepid's Sigl. 
for being out of her Station. 51 Minutes past i, Re- 
peated the Sigl. for the line ahead to Cables length 
a Sunder, at 6. Minutes past 2 We repeated the Sigl. for 
the Fleet to Wear together & came to Sail on the Other 
Tack — at 15. past 2 Adml. fir'd a Gun & put his helm a 
weather — 52 Minutes past 2 the Adml. made the Sigl. 
for the Leading ship to Alter her Course to Starboard — 
at 9 Minutes past 3 the Admiral made the Princessa's, 
Alcide's and Intrepid's Sigl. to Alter their Course 
More to Starboard, at 19 Minutes past 3, the Admiral 
fir'd a gun to Enforce the Alcides Sigl. at 29 Minutes 
past 3 the Admiral made the Sigl. for the Admiral 
commanding in the 2d. part and his Division to make 
more Sail. Which we Answer'd and repeated — 31 Min- 
utes past 3 Admiral made the Sigl. for the Fleet to 

n203:] 



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Alter the Course to Starboard, Which we repeated — 
40 Minutes past 3, the Adml. made the Bedford's Sigl. 
to Close. 54 Minutes past 3. the Admiral m,ade the Sigl. 
for the line ahead one Cables length a Sunder, at 4 the 
Admiral Made a Sigl. with a Blue & Yellow 
Checquer'd flag with a White pandant over it. at 1 1 
Minutes after 4. the Admiral fir'd a gun to Enforce the 
Last made Sigl. ^ past 4. We repeated the Signal, 
at 17 past 4. We repeated the Sigl. to Engage the En- 
emy. 55 Minutes past 4. the Admiral Made the Sig- 
nals for the Alcide to keep her Stations in the Line 
More regularly. 20 Minutes past 4. haul'd down the 
White pendant & keept the Blue & Yellow Checquer'd 
flag flying under the Red flag — 25. Minutes past 5 
haul'd down the Sigl. for the Line, at the Same time 
the Sigl. for Closer Action was flying. 5^ past 6. the 
Admiral Haul'd down the Signal for Closer Action, 
and Made the Sigl. for the Line a head at One Cables 
length a Sunder which we Answer'd. half past 6. the 
Admiral Haul'd down the Signal for Engaging, as did 
the Barfleur. 48 Minutes past 6. the Barfleur Made the 
Centaur's Sigl. to come to Closer Action, at }i past 7. 
repeated the Night Signal for the line of Battle. 

AM — 45. Minutes after 5 Adml. made the Sigl. for the 
line of Battle ahead ^4 a Cables Length a Sunder — at 
6 Adml. made the Sigl. for the Solebay to come 
with[in] hail — ^ past 6. Adml. made the Richmond's 
Sigl. to come within hail — ^ past 6 Saw the Shrews- 
bury & Intrepid with Sigls. out to Speak the Admiral, 
at 7 Adml. Made the Sigl. for the Orepheus's Captain, 
and at 9, for the Medea's Captain. ^ past 11, Adml. 

1 20^1 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

made the Princessa and Alcide's Sigl. to Change Sta- 
tions in the Line 



September 7th, 178 1 

Moderate and fair weather Made and Shortned Sail 
Occasionally to preserve Our Station. ^ past 2, Set 
T:Gt: Sails— at 3 set Main Sail. >4 past Do. Tack'd to 
get in Our Station & at ^ past Do. Tack to gain our 
Station Set the Jib & Middle Stay sail, at 5 Saw the Land 
bearing from WBNtoSSW5or6 Leags. Do Wr. 
Set Top Gallant sails. ^ past 9 in T :Gt : Sails, at 10, up 
Fore Sail — at 11. the Enemy fir'd Several Guns. Made 
false fires & Rockets — >^ past 11 SetTiGt: Sails. Light 
Airs at 12, the Body of the Enemy's fleet bore S S E — 
Yi past 12, Tack'd Ship Close in the Monarch's Wake 
—The Adml. E N E Dist. 5 or 6 Miles Set the Main 
Sail & Mid-Stay sail in Stays — at 3, set T :Gt : Studding 
sails — at 4, the Admiral E N E. 3 or 4 Miles — The 
Body of the Enemy fleet S E Light Airs and Variable 
Yz past 4, Haul'd T:Gt: Studding sails — at 5, Saw the 
Land — at 8 the Extreems of the Land from S W B W 
to N W off Shore about 6 Leagues — The Enemies fleet 
from ESEtoSBE7or8 Miles at 1 1 Set Studding 
sails and Royals — at Noon the Highland & Roanoak 
W S W. 5 or 6 Leagues Adml. E N E 4 Miles. The 
Enemy's fleet from SE^^EtoE^^Ss Miles Latd. 
36° 0/ 

Signals Made 

PM — at 40 Minutes past 3, the Admiral Made the 
Sigl. for the Admiral in the port and his Division to 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Make More Sail, which the Barfleur repeated — by 
[but] could make no More Sail but the Middle Stay- 
sail. R Grindall at i8 Minutes past 8, Repeated the 
Sigl. for the Line a head. 

AM — at ^ past 5, Repeated the Signal for the Line of 
Battle a head ^ a Cables length a Sunder. ^ past 8 
Admiral Hood made the Sigl. for the Invincible and 
Alfred's Captains. At 11, The Adml. Made the Sigl. 
to Veer. Repeated Do. 



September 8th, 1781 

Light Breezes and fair Weather, the Enemy's fleet 
Close on the wind with their Starbooard tacks on board. 
y^ past I, In Studding Sails. ^ past i, brought too by 
the wind, at 4, the Enemy's fleet bore from S E B S to 
S E ^ E 3 or 4 Leagues off their heads to the Westward 
— The Body of Roanoak S W B W 5 Leagues. Made & 
Shortned Sail Occasionally — ^ past 5, Tack'd — at 
Sun Set the Extreems of the Land of Roanroak, from 
SWBStoWSW>4W4or5 Leagues at 8, Saw 
lights bearing S E >4 E. The Adml. N W B N. and the 
Body of the Enemies fleet S E B S. at ^)4 past 9, the Al- 
fred & Belliqueax bore up. }4 P^st 10 Shortned Sail 
the Alfred, Belliqueax, & Invincible being 4 points to 
Leeward of their Station — at 12, the Admiral bore 
N N W >^ W and the Alfred S E >4 E Made Sail 
Occassionally. ^A past i. Saw a light bearing S E B S 
Which we take to be one of the Enemies Rear Ships — 
at 33, past 2, the Solebay hail'd us, and Sail the Enemy's 
fleet was Tack'd — at 3 Down F:T:Staysail at ^ pt. 3. 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Up Mizon & down T:G.Stay sail, at 4, the Adml. bore 
N B W. at Daybreak Saw Twenty one of the Enemies 
Ships bearing from SEBE^EtoSE>^S. aty The 
Vane [van] of the Enemy began to Tack — at 8, Wore 
Ship — the Admiral No. i^ Miles at Noon Roanoak 
West 5 or 6 Leagues In Company 19 Sail of the Line 7 
Frigates, one Sloop & a fire ship Latd. 36° 04' N 



Signals Made 

PM — yi past One the Admiral Sigl. for the Ships that 
Leads on the Starboard Tack to lead on the Larboard, 
after i, Admiral Haul'd down the Sigl. for the Line, 
as did we. at 28 Minutes after i. Admiral Hoisted the 
Sigl. for the line — as Did we. 55 Minutes after i, 
Adml. made the Sigl. for the Vane to fill. We repeated 
Do. y2 past 2, Adml. Made the Sigl. for the Fleet to 
Haul Close to the wind — at 5 Repeated the Sigl. to 
Tack. — at 8, Repeated the Sigl. for the Line of Battle 
a head — 

AM — 35 Minutes past 7, the Princessa Made the Pri- 
vate Sigl. to three Ships in the N E Qr. at 43 Minutes 
past 7 Repeated the Sigl. to Tack — at 8 Repeated the 
Signal for the fleet to Wear together, at 10 Minutes 
past 8, the Admiral Haul'd down the Signal for the Line 
as did we — at 14' past 8, the Admiral Hoisted the Sig- 
nal for the line — as did we — 23 Minutes past 8, Adml. 
Made the Signal for the Leading Ship to Haul the 
Wind. 40 Minutes past 8, for the Ships to Windward 
to bear down in the Admls. Wake — Which we re- 
peated — 20 Minutes, past 10, Barfleur made the Santa 

1:207] 



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Monica Signal for being out of her Station. ^ past ii, 
The Enemy's fleet Tack'd. The Admiral Made the 
Sigl. for the Vane of the fleet to make More Sail — at 
Noon the Admiral Made the Sigl. for the fleet to Tack 
together. Which we repeated — 



September 9th, 1781 

Light Airs & fine weather. ^ past 3 Close Reef'd 
the T:Sls. & brought too M.T.S. to the Mast— Light 
Breezes with Lightning, Thunder & rain. Join'd Com- 
pany three Frigates ^ past 4 Wore Ship. Yi past 4 a 
boat came on bd. from the London, at Do. Admiral 
Hood went on bd. the London, at 7. He returned again 
from the London, i^ past 7 fill'd & Made Sail at 8 
Saw some flashes of Guns bearing S B E. Adml. E.B.S. 
Fresh Breezes and Cloudy, at 9 the Adml. E ^ S. at 
10 Squally with rain. Bent the Mn. Staysail. Adml. 
E ^ S. at II Squally with rain. Adml. E ^ S at 12 
Do. Wr. Adml. E >< S at Squaly & Cloudy. >4 past 
5 A M the Body of the Enemies fleet S >< E 8 or 9 
Miles. Down T.Gt. yards, at 7 Wore Ship, at 8 Do. 
Wr. ^ past 9 Set the Jib & Main T.Staysail y^ past 11. 
Down Jib & M.T.staysail. ^ past 11. In Mizon & 
F.T. Sails, at Noon Back'd the M. T. sail. 



Signals Made 

PM — at 10 Minutes past Noon Repeated the Sigl. to 
Tack. 21 Minutes past Noon the Adml. Haul'd down 
the Sigl. for the Line of Battle ahead, at 28 Minutes 
past Noon Repeated the Sigl. for the Bow & Quarter 

1:2083 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

line, at lo Minutes past 2 the Admiral Haul'd down 
the Sigl. for the Line Bow & Quarter as did we. at 4 
Repeated the Signal for the fleet to Wear together. 
40 Minutes past 5, the Admiral Made the Princessa 
Sigl. to come within hail, at 50 Minutes past 5, Admiral 
made the Signal for a Boat from the Montague, 
Shrewsbury, Bedford, Fortunee, & Sybil. At 6 The 
Admiral S W B S & the Enemis Fleet S B E 3 or 4 
Leagues. 5^ past 7 Repeated the Admiral's Signal for 
Making Sail after lying by. 

AM — at 7. Repeated the Admirals Signal for the Fleet 
to Veer together. At Noon the Terrible Made the Sig- 
nal of Distress, Which the Admiral Answerd. 



September loth, 178 1 

Fresh Breezes and Hazey Wr. at 20 Minutes past i a 
boat came on board from the Pegasus. 5^ past i frll'd. 
The Enemy's fleet from S E to E B S at 4. the Admiral 
S ^ E 2 or 3 Miles. Twenty five of the Enemy's fleet in 
Sight, Extending from S E 3^ E to E B N. at 6, the 
Vane of Our fleet N B W K- W. the Adml. S B E. The 
Body of the Enemy's fleet E B N 7 or 8 Miles. Set the 
M.T.Staysail Yx past 6 Wore. The Body of the Enemy's 
fleet E B N. 7 or 8 Miles, at 8 hove too M.T. Sail to the 
Mast. Fresh Breezes and Cloudy, at 9 Saw Several 
Rockets, and flashes of Guns bearing N E B N. at 
12, the Adml. S.B.W. >4 past 12. fiU'd and bore up to 
gain Our Station, at 4, the Admll. S E >^ E Made & 
Shortned Sail Occasionally to keep Our Station, at Do. 
Wr. at y_\ 10 Spoke the Santamonica, and Order her to 

1:209] 



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send her boat on board, at Noon Set the Main Sail at 
Noon the Admiral S E B E }4 E. In Company 19 
Sail of the Line, a 50 Gun Ship, 7 Frigates, i Sloop of 
War & a fire ship 



Signals Made 

PM — at }i past i Repeated the Signal for the line of 
Battle 2 Cables length aSunder. ^ past i Repeated 
the Signal for the to fill, at 6. Repeated the Signal to 
prepare to Veer. 34 P^st 6. Repeated the Signal to 
Veer, at 8 Repeated the Signal to Brace too and lye by. 
at 12. Repeated the Signal for Making Sail after lying 
by. 

AM — at 10. We made the Santamonica's Signal to come 
with hail. ^ past 11, Repeated the Signal to Tack. 



September nth, 1781 

Fresh Breezes & Squaly. ^ past Noon Tackd. at 3 
Spoke the Terrible, at 4 Shortned Sail & brought too, 
and Sent a Boat on Board the Admiral, at j4 past 4 
Hoisted out a Barge Sir Samuel Hood Went on board 
of the London at 6. in Cutter, at 50 Minutes past 6, Sir 
Samuel Hood return'd In Barge ^ past 7 fill'd and Set 
the Fore Sail, at 8 the Adml. E B N at 12 Set Jib & 
Staysails The Adml. N W i^ N i Mile, i^ past 12 
down Jib & Staysails Light Airs and fine Weather the 
Adml. N W at 6 Out 3d. & 2d. Reefs of the Topsails. 
Hoisted out the Boats to Assist the Terrible Employ'd 
Stowing the Booms Light Breezes and fair Weather, 

C210] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



The Boats Attending the Terrible the Land bearing 
N W In Company with 19 Sail of the Line, a fifty 
Gun Ship, 6 Frigates, a Sloop and a Fire Ship. Latd. 
35° 37 Longde. Made 0.28 Et. 



Signals Made 

PM— ^ past 3 the Adml. Made the Sigl. for Weekly 
Accounts. Answerd it. at 20 Minutes past 5, the Ad- 
miral Made the Sigl. for the Captain of the Intrepid 
at 25 Minutes Made the Signal for the Captain of the 
Terrible, at 25 Minutes past 7 Repeated the Signal for 
Making More Sail after lying by. 

AM — at 7 the Admiral made the Signal for all Lieuten- 
ants. Answerd. Do. at 8. Made the Sigl. for the Boats 
of Our Division. 



CziO 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



JOURNAL DE NAVIGATION DE L'ARMEE AUX ORDRES DE 

MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE GRASSE, LIEUTENANT 

GENERAL, PARTIE DE BREST LE VINGT DEUX 

MARS DIX SEPT CENT QUATRE VINGT UN ^ 

Du trois Septembre au quatre. Vents du Sud-Ouest, 
joli frais, beau temps. Midy et quart, signal au Saint 
Esprit, a la Bourgogne, au Reflechy et au Scipion. 
Trois heures et demie, I'Aigrette signale une voile. Sig- 
nal a I'Aigrette et a la Railleuse d'appareiller. Quatre 
heures et demie, ces deux fregates sortirent. Cinq 
heures et demie, le mot de I'ordre. Dix heures matin, 
I'Aigrette signale une voile dans I'Est Sud Est. Le 
general est attentif. 

Du quatre Septembre au cinq. Deux heures et demie, 
signal d'un batiment a rame en derive sans espoir de la 
sauver. Six heures et quart, une corvette fit route dans 
la baye. Idem, on decouvrit deux voiles. Aussitot 
I'armee mit pavilion et I'amenerent de suite. Trois 
heures et quart, matin, I'Aigrette sortit et la Railleuse. 
Sept heures et demie, matin, I'Aigrette echone et de- 
mande ancre et grelins. Idem, signal d'envoyer des 
ancres et grelins a I'Aigrette. Sept heures trois quarts, 
I'Aigrette annulle le signal fait precidemment. Dix 
heures, le Marseillais signale six voiles dans I'Ouest; 
ensuite, il en signale vingt cinq. Idem, signal de faire 
branle-bas, et celui de faire revenir promptement les 
canots et chaloupes qui etoient a terre. Dix heures et 
demie, signal de se tenir pret a appareiller. Onze 
^Archives de la Marine, B^, 184. 
C212] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

heures et demie, une f regate de I'ennemi tira un coup de 
canon. Idem, I'Aigrette signale vingt trois vaisseaux. 
Le general est attentif. Onze heures trois quarts, signal 
a virer a pic. 

Du cinq Septembre au six. Vent du Nord Est a 
I'Est Nord Est, joli frais, beau temps. Route estimee 
du moment du depart a midy. Sud Est i° Sud. 
Chemin estime, dix huit lieues et demie, latitude arri- 
vee estimee Nord, 36° 20'. Longitude arrivee occiden- 
tale: "j^" 50'. Mouvement. Midy et quart faire 
appareiller sans autre signal. Midy et demie, I'Au- 
guste fit une signe a la troisieme division. Le general 
quitte la section a I'ancre. Idem, signe de former un 
signe de vitesse sans ordre, m'observer de posts. Midy 
trois quarts, I'armee mit pavilion et flamme. Une 
heure, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete de tenir le vent. Deux 
heures et quart, I'ennemy prit les amures a babord. 
Idem, signal aux vaisseaux de tete d'augmenter de 
voiles. Deux heures trois quarts, meme signal. Trois 
heures, le Languedoc fut prendre son poste. L'Au- 
guste signale la Bourgogne de forcer de voiles. Trois 
heures trois quarts, les ennemis mirent leur pavilion. 
Idem, ordre a tous les vaisseaux de suivre les mouve- 
ments des vaisseaux de tete en serrant la ligne. Quatre 
heures, ordre aux vaisseaux de courir deux quarts 
largue. Quatre heures et quart, faire tenir le plus pres. 
Combat. Quatre heures et quart, le combat commenga. 
Cinq heures trois quarts, signal aux vaisseaux de tete de 
courir deux quarts largue. Six heures, ordre aux vais- 
seaux de tenir le plus pres. Etant hors de portee de 
I'ennemi, le feu cessa. Six heures et demie, signal de 
ralliement. Sept heures, la queue de I'ennemy cesse le 
feu et le rotre, ensuite. Huit heures trois quarts. 

C213] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

L'Aigrette vint nous dire de la part du general de gou- 
verner a sept quarts, largue. Cinq heures et demie, 
matin, le Diademe signale qu'il est hors d'etat de com- 
battre. Cinq heures et quart, signal de reconnoissance. 
Cinq heures et demie, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete d'aug- 
menter de voiles. Sept heures, une fregate demande si 
notre mature etoit fort endommagee; on lui repondit 
qu'oui. Elle alloit se desarmer pour donner du monde 
au Diademe. Sept heures et demie, le Caton demande 
du secours. Le general est attentif. Dix heures et 
demie, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete de forcer de voiles. 
Onze heures trois quarts, signal detenir le plus pres. 
Idem, le Pluton demande a parler au general. 

Du six Septembre au sept. Vents du Nort Est au 
Sud, petit frais. Route estimee a midy: Sud Sud Est 
4° 45' Est. Chemin estime: cinq lieues un tiers. Lati- 
tude arrivee estimee Nord 36° 06'. Latitude observee, 
Nord: 35° 54'. Longitude arrivee, occidentale: 'j'j'' 
41'. Variation o caze observee Nord Ouest 1° 20'. 
Hauteur meridienne 59° 42'. Une heure trois quart, 
la Railleuse signale le Pluton. Quatre heures trois 
quarts, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete de tenir le plus pres 
babord amures. Onze heures du soir, faire virer I'armee 
lof pour lof. Cinq heures et demie, matin: signal de 
reconnoisance. Dix heures et quart, le Reflechy de- 
mande la permission d'envoyer a bord du general. 
Onze heures et quart, signal de ralliement. 

Du sept septembre au huit. Vents du Sud Sud Est 
a rOuest Nord Ouest. Route corrigee a midy Est Nord 
30' Sud. Chemin corrige, neuf lieues et demie. Lati- 
tude observee Nord 35° 53'. Longitude arrivee occi- 
dentale "jj"^ 05'. (Variations ocaze observee Nord 
Ouest 1° 15'. Hauteur meridienne 59° 20'. Difiference 

[214] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

sud, trois minutes.) Une heure trois quarts, faire virer 
I'armee lof pour lof tout a la fois. Deux heures, le 
Souverain demande a parler au General. Le general 
lui accorde. Idem, signal de ralliement. Deux heures 
et quart, pris les amures a babord. Le general repeta 
le signal de ralliement. Deux heures et demie, signal 
au Souverain de se mettre a la tete de Tarmee. Quatre 
heures et quart, signal d'augmenter de voiles. Le com- 
mandans sont charges de la police de leur escadre. 
Cinq heures et quart, la Railleuse nous dit que quand 
le general signaleroit de tenir le vent, il faudroit gou- 
verner a sept quarts et, a la repetition de ce signal, gou- 
verner a six quarts. Idem, le mot le I'ordre. Cinq 
heures et demie vire par la contre marche I'armee enne- 
mie. Cinq heures et demie, signal de virer vent devant 
et faire augmenter de voiles. Six heures et quart, rallier 
I'armee en echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres, tribord 
amures. Six heures et demie, faire tenir le vent a 
I'armee. Cinq heures et quart, matin, signal de recon- 
noisance. Cinq heures trois quarts, ralliement en 
echiquier. Six heures trois quart faire virer I'armee 
vent devant tout a la fois. Sept heures et demie, signal 
de serrer la ligne. Huit heures, ordre au vaisseau de 
tete de gouverner pour passer de I'avant de I'ennemy. 
Huit heures et quart, faire serrer la ligne. Huit heures 
trois quarts, le Caton signale trois voiles sous le vent. 
Neuf heures et demie, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete de 
tenir le plus pres. Onze heures et quart, le Pluton sig- 
nale la terre au vent. Onze heures et demie, faire virer 
I'armee vent devant, tot a la fois. Onze heures trois 
quarts, rallier I'armee en echiquier sur la ligne du plus 
pres, babord, tribord amures. 

Du huit septembre au neuf. Vents variable, temps 

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THE GRAVES PATERS 

orageux, pluye, vent. A midy, la route estimee avalu 
les Sud Est quart Sud 2° 15'. Chemin estime, six lieues 
et quart. Route corrigee selon la hauteur, Sud Est 
quart Sud 3° 15'. Chemin corrige, neuf lieues. Lati- 
tude arrivee, estimee nord 35° 28'. Latitude observee, 
nord : 35° 31'. Longitude arrivee occidentale de Paris: 
76° 45'. (Hauteur meridienne 59° 17'. Difference 
nord, trois minutes.) Mouvement du huit septembre 
au neuf midy et quart. Le Languedoc signale le nu- 
mero sept et mit ensuite pavilion bleu. Une heure, le 
Languedoc fait tenir le vent a la deuxieme escadre toute 
a la fois. Une heure et quart, signal de raliement a 
I'Echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord, tribord 
amures, au plus pres du vent. Deux heures et demie, 
le general et partie de I'armee mit en panne Trois 
heures et demie, le Languedoc fait signal de raliement 
au Sceptre. Quatre heures et quart, faire virer I'armee 
lof pour lof tout a la fois. Six heures et quart, rallier 
I'armee en echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres, tribord, 
les amures a babord, la route au plus pres du vent. Sept 
heures trois quarts, faire prendre des ris. Quatre heures 
et quart matin, mis en panne, le grand hunier sur le mat. 
Cinq heures et quart, fait voir que nous sommes de 
I'armee. Six heures, rallier I'armee a I'ordre de ba- 
taille, I'amure a babord, dans I'ordre naturel. Sept 
heures et demie, faire tenir le vent a toute I'armee. Huit 
heures, meme signal. Huit heures et quart, faire virer 
I'armee lof pour lof tout a la fois. Huit heures et demie, 
I'armee vire lof pour lof. Idem, raliement a I'Echiquier 
sur la ligne du plus pres babord, les amures a tribord 
au plus pres du vent. 

Du dimanche neuf septembre au dix. Depuis hier, 
midy, a ce jour, meme heure, les vents regnerent de 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

I'Est Nord Est a I'Est Sud Est, jusques sur les huit 
heures du matin qu'ils remonterent a I'Est Nord Est, 
joli frais, beau temps, la mer belle, sous differentes 
voilures, les amures a tribord. A six heures et demie 
du soir, releve au compas, la tete de I'armee ennemie au 
Quest Nord Quest, 3° Nord et la queue au Quest quart 
Sud Quest, 4° Sud, a toute vue de dessus le gaillard. A 
midy, la route estimee a voillu le Nord Quest quatre 
Nord 3° 15' ouest. Chemin estime, vingt une lieues 
trois quarts. Route corrigee selon la hauteur: Nord 
Quest quart Nord 30' Quest. Chemin corrige, vingt 
trois lieues. Latitude arrivee estimee Nord 36° 24'. 
Latitude observee, nord: 36° 28'. Longitude arrivee 
occidentale de Paris: 77° 33'. Nous changeames, dans 
la nuit, notre vergue de petit hunier et racomodames 
nos voiles. Le matin, on ne vit plus I'ennemy. (hauteur 
meridienne 58 oo^ Difference nord 4'.) Mouvement, 
midy et quart, I'Aigrette signal d'ordre aux vaisseaux 
qui ont signale Tennemi, de faire les signaux de corre- 
spondance entre le general et les fregates de decouverte 
qui s'executeront par le moyen des voiles dont messieurs 
les capitaines ont seuls connaisance. Le general est 
attentif aux signaux. Une heure et quart, I'Aigrette 
signale que I'ennemi vire de bord. Le general est at- 
tentif. Deux heures et quart: Le Palmier signale que 
I'ennemi tient le plus pres, tribord amures. Le general 
a distingue les signaux. Deux heures trois quart le 
Caton avertit qu'il a une voye d'eau. Le general dis- 
tingue les signaux. Idem, signal que les premiers sig- 
naux qui seront faits seront pris dans la table numero 
trois. Idem, le Caton fait signal numero un pris dans 
la table numero trois. Idem, avertir que les signaux 
fait par un seul pavilion seront pris dans la table nu- 

1:217] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

mero un. Trois heures, le Caton fait un signal connu 
des capitaines. Le general a distingue les signaux. 
Trois heures trois quarts, signal que les signaux qui 
seront faits seront pris dans la feuille trois. Le general 
est attentif aux signaux. Idem, signal connu des capi- 
taines. Trois heures trois quarts, avertir un vaisseau 
incommode que Tarmee se reglera sur sa voilure et 
qu'il se mettra a la tete ou au vent. Cinq heures et 
quart, une fregate signale le fond a cinquante brasses. 
Le general distingue. Huit heures trois quarts du soir, 
signal que Ton a connaissance de I'ennemy et qu'il est 
essentiel que chaque vaisseau prenne son poste. Cinq 
heures et quart, matin, signal de reconnaissance. Cinq 
heures trois quarts, on decouvre une escadre dans 
I'ouest nord ouest. Le general a distingue. Six heures, 
signale ralliement en ordre de bataille. Six heures et 
demie, faire passer a poupe du general I'Aigrette et le 
Pluton. Idem, le Souverain demande a chasser. Ac- 
corde. Six heures trois quarts, annuller la permission 
de chasser. Sept heures, signal de ralliement. Sept 
heures et quart, faire forcer de voiles a toute I'armee. 
Sept heures et demie, signal de ralliement. Sept heures 
trois quarts, faire chasser toute I'armee dans le Nord. 
Neuf heures trois quarts, faire passer a poupe du gene- 
ral I'Aigrette et la Railleuse. 

Du dix septembre au onze. Vents de I'Est a I'Est 
Nord Est, petit frais, presque calme. A midy, la route 
estimee Nord Ouest quart Ouest 2° 15' Ouest. Chemin 
estime: onze lieues et quart. Route corrige: Nord 
Ouest quart Ouest 3° i'. Chemin corrige. Onze lieues et 
quart. Latitude arrivee estimee Nord: 36° 45'. Latitude 
observee Nord 36° 48'. Longitude arrivee occidentale de 
Paris 78° 06'. A midy, releve le cap Henry: 34 Nord 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

a deux lieues et demie. (Hauteur meridienne 50° 17'. 
Difference nord 3'. Variation estimee Nord Quest 1° 
15'.) Mouvement, midy et demie signal de gouverner 
au Nord Nord Quest. Une heure et quart, un vaisseau 
decouvre deux voiles sous le vent. Le general est atten- 
tif. Deux heures et quart, le Glorieux qui rallioit tira 
un coup de canon. Deux heures trois quarts, signal a 
tous les vaisseaux de mettre leur numero. Le general a 
distingue. Quatre heures, ordre aux vaisseaux de tete 
de tete de diminuer de voiles. Six heures et demie, le 
general fait une signal que nous ne pumes distinguer. 
Cinq heures et quart du matin, signal de reconnoissance. 
Six heures et quart, le general mit en panne, tira un coup 
de canon et mit pavilion rouge a la vague d'artimon. 
Idem, nous avons sonde a quatorze brasses, sable gris. 
Six heures et demie, signal que les vaisseaux les plus a 
portee des chasseurs repeteront les signaux. Sept heures, 
faire passer a poupe du general le Souverain. Idem, 
la Railleuse decouvre une voile de I'avant. Le general 
distingue. Sept heures trois quart, faire rallier les vais- 
seaux et fregate de I'armee. Huit heures, le Citoyen 
decouvre cinq voiles de I'avant. Le general a distingue. 
Idem, le Citoyen signale la terre au vent. Idem, 
I'ennemi court largue, babord amures. Le general est 
attentif. Huit heures et demie, faire tenir le vent a 
toute I'armee. Neuf heures et quart meme signal avec 
un coup de canon. Idem, le general fit des signaux de 
reconnoissant et signal a la Concorde qui rallioit. Neuf 
heures et demie, le Glorieux signale que les batiments 
que Ton voit sont ennemis. Idem, I'Auguste signale que 
les batiments qui restent ouest nord ouest sont francais. 
Neuf heures trois quart, faire chasser toute Tarmee sans 
observer d'ordre. Qnze heures, signal au Destin de 

1:2193 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

virer vent devant. Onze heures et demie, faire chasser 
toute I'armee au vent. Idem, la Railleuse tira un coup 
de canon. Signal de reconnoissance a I'armee de Mon- 
sieur de Barras. Idem, le Glorieux demande a chasser. 
Le general lui accorde. 

Du onze septembre au douze. Vents du sud, petit 
fraiSj beau temps. Route estimee, depuis midy, au 
mouillage : Nord nord ouest 5 ° ouest. Chemin estimee : 
quatre lieues. Latitude arrivee estimee nord, 36° 59'. 
Longitude arrivee occidentale de Paris 78° 13'. Releve 
le cap Henry: Sud 10° Est, deux tiers lieue. Le cap 
Charles: Nord 13° 4' Est. La pointe fqrmant I'entree 
d'Hampton: 1° Nord. . . . (Mouille's au Cap Henry 
le onze.) Mouvement: une heure trois quarts, le Glori- 
eux signale que I'ennemi court vent arriere. Deux 
heures et quart, le Glorieux tira plusieurs voUee sur 
deux f regates angloises dont une des deux amena. Deux 
heures et demie, faire virer vent devant la Railleuse. 
Deux heures trois quarts, faire virer I'armee vent de- 
vant, lof pour lof. Trois heures et demie, le Langue- 
doc donne ordre aux vaisseaux de repeter les signaux des 
chasseurs et ceux du General. Quatre heures, signal 
d'envoyer du secours au Glorieux et de mettre les canots 
a la mer. Quatre heures trois quarts, faire, preparer 
I'armee au mouillage. Cinq heures et demie, la seconde 
fregate angloise amena. Cinq heures trois quarta, 
I'Experiment et I'Andromaque rallierent venant de la 
riviere de Chesapeak. Six heures, I'armee mouilla. 
Sept heures et demie, matin, faire venir a bord du gene- 
ral le second capitaine du Languedoc. Idem, faire 
aller a bord du general le major de I'Escadre bleue et 
blanche. Dix heures et demie, signal a la Railleuse. 

Du douze septembre au treize. Vents du Nord Ouest 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

au Sud Quest, joli f rais. A midy I'escadre de monsieur 
de Barras appareilla et vint mouiller parmi nous. Midy 
et demie, faire venir a bord du general les officiers 
charges du detail. Idem, signal au Saint Esprit, une 
heure et quart, signal au Zele. Deux heures et demie, 
le Diademe decouvre des voiles et demande a chasser. 
Le general lui accorde. Trois heures trois quarts, 
I'Hercule signale des voiles dans le Nord Nord Est. 
Quatre heures et quart, le Pluton mouilla avec la fre- 
gate angloise le Richmond. Cinq heures et demie, 
Signal, le mot de I'ordre et au Caton de faire la ronde. 
Six heures et demie, signal a I'Andromaque. Six 
heures, matin, signal a I'Experiment et a la Bourgogne. 
Sept heures et demie, le Languedoc signale des vais- 
seaux de guerre dans le Nord Nord Est. Sept heures 
trois quarts, signal a la Concorde et a la Surveillante. 
Neuf heures et quart, flamme d'ordre. Dix heures trois 
quarts, la Concorde appareilla. 



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THE GRAVES PAPERS 



LIVRE DE BORD DU VAISSEAU LE CITOYEN 
29 AOUT — II SEPTBRE. 1781^ 

Mecredy vingt neuvieme. (Suite du journal de mon- 
sieur le chevalier Dethy capitaine du Citoyen.) Les 
vents toujours variables de Touest sud ouest au sud ouest 
petit fraix clair, I'armee a continue tenir le vent babord 
amure; au lever du soleil la sonde a rapporte vingt six 
brasses fond gris tirant sur le jaune, sable fin. — A neuf 
heures, I'armee a mis pavilion au Souverain qui rallioit 
avec la prise qu'il avoit fait de la corvette le Sandwihs. 
Cette corvette ressembloit a une flutte sans figure, sans 
aucune marque de batiment de guerre; elle portoit du 
canon de dix huit. Elle avoit ete construite precise- 
ment pour remonter les rivieres. Elle avoit ete fort 
utile dans ces regions qui ne sont que rivieres. On dit 
meme qu'elle avoit beaucoup contribue a la prise de 
Charlestown. Deux de nos fregates ont chasse dans la 
partie de I'Est. Le general leur a fait signal de ne pas 
perdre I'armee de vue. A dix heures la sonde a rap- 
porte dix sept brasses meme qualite de fond. A midy 
la latitude observee a ete 36° 49 nord. La routte a valu 
selon I'estime le Nord Ouest, chemin sept lieues un tiers 
ainsi que la Corrigee. La longitude arrivee ouest 78° 
49 ce qui nous met a terre au Sud du cap Henry. A 
deux heures, j'ay arrive sur Tarmee pour m'y rallier. 
J'etois trop en avant. Les vents etoient sud petit fraix; 
a deux heures et demie, vu la terre dans I'Ouest quart 
Sud Ouest. La sonde a rapporte quatorze brasses, sable 
^ Archives de la Marine, B'* 238, fol. io8v°-i33v°. 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

d'un gris jaunatre et fin avec des petits morceaux de 
coquillages. A cinq heures et demie, meme profondeur. 
Le general a fait un signal que je ne pouvois discerner 
par le peu de vent qu'il y avoit et par ce que j'en etois 
eloigne. Je le luy ai marque par un autre signal. 
C'etoit le renvoy de la section des mouvements gene- 
raux a celle de I'ancre. A dix heures et quart, le general, 
ayant fait signal I'armee de se preparer a mouiller avec 
une ancre a jet en ligne de bataille Est Sud Est et Quest 
Nord Quest; au coucher du soleil, le cap Henry restoit 
a I'Quest; corrige distance six lieues. C'est un terrain 
de sable blanc tres bas et boise. L'armee a continue 
singler au Quest Nord Quest jusqu'a sept heures qu'elle 
a mouille. J'etois, par les onze brasses, sable fin et 
jaune; a deux heures du matin, les vents etoient toujours 
au sud faibles. La f regate, qui etoit a croiser aux envi- 
rons de I'armee, a passe parcourant touts les vaisseaux 
de I'armee pour avertir que I'intention du general etoit 
d'appareiller sans signal a quatre heures du matin; a 
trois heures trois quarts, j'ay ete sous voile; mais, il etoit 
presque calme. (En marge: Le Souverain rallie a 
I'armee avec une prise. Mouille a I'Est Sud Est du 
general.) 

Jeudi trentieme. Au point du jour, le calme m'em- 
pechant par les courants de faire mettre le cap a la 
routte du general qui avoit un peu d'air, toujours dans 
la partie du Sud et me trouvant embarrassee entre plu- 
sieurs navires qui portoient comme luy, j'ay mis mes 
quatre canots a la mer pour revenir sur babord; et, y 
etant venu, j'ai single avec un peu d'air au Sud a I'ouest 
nord ouest pour m'elever un peu et me tirer du milieu 
des vaisseaux. A neuf heures, les vents ont ete Est Sud 
Est petit fraix. L'armee a single a I'Quest sur le cap 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

Henry. A dix heures, le general a fait signal a Tarmee 
depasser a la section de I'ancre. J'ay diminue de voile, 
attendant les ordres qu'il avoua donner. A dix heures 
et demie, il a fait signal de mouillage sur trois colonnes 
avec une grosse ancre. Les commandants des escadres 
chacun a la tete des leurs. J'ay alors mis en pane pour 
attendre I'Auguste qui forgoit de voiles. J'ay fait servir 
a onze heures au moment qu'un canot parti de la cote 
du sud du cap Henry venoit a moy. II a ete abordee le 
Diademe, croyant, malgre que nous avions notre pa- 
vilion et flammes de distinction, que nous etions anglois. 
A onze heures et quart, le signal a ete fait pour faire 
branle-bras general, ensuite de passer a la section des 
mouvements generaux. A midy et demie, I'armee a 
mouille a I'entree de la riviere de Chesapeak. J'etois 
par les onze brasses, vase sableux et noir. Le cap Henry 
restoit au Sud Est quart Sud a deux lieues de lieue, le 
cap Charles au Nord Nord Est 3° Est, la terre la plus 
au fond de la baye a I'ouest 5° sud ouest. (En marge. 
Variation observee: on tire: 2° 41, nord ouest. A six 
heures et demie le general a fait signal aux vaisseaux 
qui etoient en avant de reppeter les signaux des chas- 
seurs. Un canot a ete a bord du Diamede, persuade que 
nous etions anglois. Celui qui le menoit etoit un roya- 
liste qui a ete reconnu et consigne a bord du general. II 
est trois hommes dans le courant de la journee. 

Vendredy trente unieme. A sept heures du matin, les 
vents au sud ouest petit f rais et clair, la partie du nord 
ouest un peu obscure, le general a mis flamme d'ordre. 
J'y ai ete a bord. Les ordres portoient de preparer les 
troupes pour la descente; a deux heures apres midy, le 
signal a ete fait pour les embarquer; partie des vais- 
seaux de I'armee ont porte les leurs a bord des fregates 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

et autres batiments destines pour monter dans les ri- 
vieres ; les orages, les tonnerres et les vent variables y joint 
la pluye a verse qui tomboit ont dure jusqu'a quatre 
heures et quart du soir auquel temps le general a fait 
le signal d'embarquer les troupes dans les chaloupes a 
ceux comme le Citoyen dont la chaloupe devoit etre 
armee avec les soldats de Barrois passager incorpores 
dans un des regiments destines a la descente. La cha- 
loupe etoit a bord de I'Andromaque; y debarquer les 
effets et le detachment des hussards qui le Scipion avoit 
a son bord et dont la Sienne qui etoit avarice ne pouvoit 
les porter; j'ai fait tirer plusieurs coups de canon avec 
le pavilion en berne pour la faire revenir; mais, les 
orages ayant derechef commence, le general, voyant que 
bien des vaisseaux ne pouvoient avoir pu remplir leurs 
objets par le mauvais temps qu'il faisoit, a annuUe le 
signal et laisse ecouler cette maree qui a commence a 
quatre heures. L'Experiment, les fregates la Diligente 
et I'Andromaque ainsi que les corvettes ont appareille 
avant la nuit pour monter dans la riviere James. (Le 
marge : Le flot a quatre heures du soir) . 

Samedy, premier Septembre. A quatre heures du 
matin, le general a fait signal d'embarquer les troupes 
destinees aux chaloupes et canots. Je me suis hate de 
faire embarquer le detachment de Barrois dans ma 
chaloupe armee avec deux officiers et je I'ai envoyee au 
general portant avec elle les jours de vivres ordonne; 
a cinq heures, toute cette flotte est partie du bord du 
general. La fregate I'Andromaque, ainsi que le Sand- 
wishs qui etoient restes a I'ancre, ont appareille pour les 
escorter et monter avec eux. A sept heures, le general 
a signale un batiment suspect, on luy a tire dessus 
comme il traversoit I'armee; c'etoit une des prises dont 

C225] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

celle du Glorieux qui, chargee de troupes, s'etoit elevee 
au large pour remonter en riviere. A dix heures, la 
fregate I'Aigrette est arrivee avec une corvette appellee 
la Loyaliste qu'elle avoit pris le jour de notre entree 
dans cette baye en chassant avec le Glorieux en avant 
de I'armee, dans la riviere Chesapeak, dans le nord ouest 
de notre ancrage; elle avoit aussi une goalete chargee de 
planches. Cette corvette avoit vingt deux canons. A 
onze heures et demie, le vaisseau le Diademe a signale 
un batiment dans la partie de I'Est. A deux heures, le 
general a hisse pavilion anglois qu'il a amene aussitot; 
ce batiment a pris le large. A cinq heures du soir, le 
Triton a appareille ainsi que le Vaillant pour monter la 
riviere d'York. — Flamme d'ordre a bord du general 
pour distribuer dans Tarmee les prisonniers de guerre 
et les planches de la goalete aussi de maniere que le 
Citoyen s'est libere d'une centaine de prisoniers qu'il 
a donnes a divers vaisseaux. Les vents, dans la journee, 
ont regne de I'Est a I'Est fraix; grosse mer, beaucoup 
de pluye et de tonnerre; dans la nuit, vent de Nord 
Nord Est. 

Dimanche deuxieme. Le vent de Nord Nord Est, 
petit vent, beau temps clair. Le vaisseau le Vaillant qui 
n'avoit pu monter hier au soir a appareille ce matin 
pour aller en riviere. Le flot a ete, aujourd'hui, a la 
pleine lune a cinq heures et demie du soir. La fregate 
I'Aigrette a appareille I'apres midy pour aller en 
croisiere au large; a trois heures, elle a signale deux 
voiles au vent qu'elle pourroit attaquer avec avantage. 
A neuf heures du soir, elle a tire sur ces batiments 
qu'elle a pris et conduit dans la baye sur les deux heures 
du matin. Nota que le general, dans la journee, avoit 
mis flamme d'ordre pour signifier a tons les vaisseaux 

1:226] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

de Tarmee le traite fait pour les refraichissements et 
provisions qu'on acheteroit sur le pays dans un imprime 
qui avoit ete remis a chaque vaisseau; mais les gens du 
pays n'ont pas voulu y souscrire. 

Lundy troisieme. Les vents ont ete dans la journee 
variable du Sud Sud Est au Sud Sud Ouest, fraix, le 
temps couvert. Le general a fait a partie des vaisseaux 
de I'armee leurs signaux particuliers; nous avons ete du 
nombre. Le Citoyen a eu pour sa part deux femmes, 
un capitaine, deux enfants et quelques autres prison- 
niers des aux batiments que I'Aigrette avoit pris. A 
trois heures apres midy, I'Aigrette et la Railleuse ont 
appareille pour aller reconnoitre une voile qui parois- 
soit au large et qui avoit ete signale. Les vents ont ete 
variables du Sud Ouest a I'Ouest Sud Ouest petit fraix, 
le temps pluvieux et a I'orage. Dans la nuit, les fre- 
gates ont rentres en tete de la baye ou elles ont mouille. 

Mardy quatrieme. Les vents, dans la journee, ont ete 
variables du Sud Sud Est au Ouest Sud Ouest petit vent. 
Le temps a ete nuageux, clair au large. On a signale 
des battiments en dififerentes fois. Mais, les fregates 
n'ont pas appareille. Le Solitaire est rentre plus en 
dedans. Les vents, dans la nuit, ont saute au Nord Est 
et Nord Nord Est fraix, avec orages. 

Mercredy cinquieme. Les vents de Nord Nord Est 
continuant fraix, la mer agitee, le temps nuageux, I'air 
froid; a sept heures du matin, le fregate I'Aigrette qui 
etoit encore mouillie sous le cap Henry et s'y trouvoit 
engagee a ne pouvoir appareiller (la Railleuse ayant 
entre dans la nuit) a fait signal qu'on luy portat une 
ancre et un grelin. Le General en a fait le signal a la 
Railleuse qui, au moment qu'elle travailloit pour I'em- 
barquer dans sa chaloupe I'Aigrette a annule son signal 

1:227] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

et a appareille a huit heures courant le bord au large 
pour s'elever et profiter du flot pour entrer. Le flot 
etoit etabli depuis sept heures environ a neuf heures et 
demie. Les vaisseaux qui etoient mouilles les plus en 
tete de la baye ont signale vingt cinq voiles dans la partie 
de I'est. Le general a repondu aussitot au signal. La 
vigie du haut de mats en comptoit vingt quatre a dix 
heures et quart. Le general a ordonne de faire branle- 
bas et de faire revenir tous les batiments a rame qui 
etoient a terre a bord de leurs vaisseaux. J'avois mon 
petit canot a terre pour prendre de la viande pour les 
equipages. J'ai fait mettre aussitot le pavilion en berne 
pour le faire retourner mais inutilement. A onze 
heures, la f regate I'Aigrette qui venoit de la bordee dans 
la baye a signale au general trente une voiles. A onze 
heures et demie, le general a fait signal a I'armee de 
virer a pic et, a midy, d'appareiller sans autre signal. 
A midy et quart, signal a I'armee de passer a la section 
des mouvements generaux. A midy et demie, le gene- 
ral a fait signal a I'armee de se form.er en ordre de ba- 
taille de vitesse sans egard au poste que Ton doit 
occuper, et avertir I'armee que les signaux fair par un 
seul pavilion seroient pris dans la feuille numero deux. 
Le Citoyen a appareille a midy et trois quarts apres 
avoir file son ancre d'afifourche J'etois sous les huniers 
et voiles d'etay. Le flot etoit encore fort et portoit sur 
la cote du cap Henry. Je travaillois a mettre mon ancre 
en haut et y accrocher le capon quand le fregate I'Ai- 
grette qui entroit dans la baye en ce moment m'a helle 
et parlant a monsieur de Koeflod qui tient la place de 
lieutenant en pied en I'absence de monsieur de Saint 
Marc et qui etoit sur le gaillard d'avant a faire acce- 
lerer la manoeuvre que si je nevirois de bord je pourois 

[228] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

risque d'echouer sur le cap Henry et que definitivement 
je revira que je n'avois pas du temps a perdre. Mon- 
sieur de Koefold a qui le capitaine de I'Aigrette s'etoit 
adresse en passant est venu de I'arriere pour me le com- 
muniquer. J'avoit de la peine a me decider a virer. 
Monsieur de Koefold m'a dit que je devois croire ce 
que tout le monde avoit entendu. Je demanday moy 
meme a I'Aigrette ce qu'elle m'avoit crie. Elle me 
repondit que son pilote I'assuroit que si je continuois a 
courir je rencontrerois un banc de sable. J'ai revire et 
couru la bordee au Nord Nord Ouest avec le vent de 
Nord Est et Nord Nord Est. J'ai ete force, en courant 
cette bordee, de passer de I'arriere du general qui ap- 
pareilloit et que je ne voulois pas deranger dans sa ma- 
noeuvre; enfin, a un heure et quart, me trouvant 
debarrasse de tous les vaisseaux qui etoient sous voile 
pour sortir de la baye, j'ay revire aux amures babord et 
fait routte pour sortir aussi. Le general etoit un peu 
de I'avant a moy, il avoit appareille a une heure en 
faisant signal a la partie des vaisseaux qui etoient sorti 
et qui se formoient, de tenir le vent. A une heure heure 
et demie, I'ancre de poste ayant ete accrochee, j'ai force 
de voile pour sortir de la rade comme pour prendre un 
poste. II etoit environ une heure trois quarts quand j'ay 
eu double le cap Henry. J'avois ordonne a Monsieur 
de Koefold de faire passer tout le monde a son poste 
et de remplacer ceux qui manquoient aux batteries. 
J'avois ordonne aussi qu'on y employat toute la troupe 
ainsi que messieurs les officiers pour remplacer les 
absents, mais, le nombre des soldats n'a pas ete suffisant 
a remplir le vuide. II a fallu desarmer les canons des 
gaillards et ne me garder, pour faire les manoeuvres 
necessaires, que les officiers mariniers de la manoeuvre 

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I 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

quelques gabiers destines a leurs mats, le pilote et 
quelques timoniers pour reppeter les signaux avec la 
mistrance. II manque a bord du Citoyen, entre les 
absents, les morts, les malades, environ deux [cents] 
hommes et cinq officiers. Apres avoir arme mes deux 
batteries aussi bien que je le pouvois j'ai fait carguer les 
basses voiles pour me placer a Tarriere du vaisseau le 
Northumberlan qui etoit un peu en avant et sous le vent. 
J'etois occupe de ma manoeuvre quand le vaisseau le 
Palmier m'a intime que son intention etoit de prendre 
ce poste. Le Solitaire, qui forgoit de voiles, egal en 
marche au Palmier et le tenant de tres proche, ne m'a 
pas permis non plus de m'y placer sans risque d'avaries; 
pour ne point entrer a disputer derechef j'ai arrive et 
pris mon poste de I'arriere du Solitaire; mais, voyant 
que j'etois force a tout instant de mettre en pane; j'ai 
tenu le Vent pour doubler ces deux vaisseaux et forcer 
de voiles pour aller en avant. (En marge: le Scipion 
for^oit de voile ainsi que ceux qui suivoient.) Le 
Scipion, qui me suivoit, ayant fait la meme manoeuvre 
pour ne pas rompre I'ordre de bataille qui commencoit 
a se former j'ai repris mon poste de I'arriere de ce vais- 
seau et je me suis occupe pour ne pas le gener a etre 
toujours sur le qui vive ou en pane ou le perroquet de 
fougue sur le mat. A deux heures, le vaisseau I'Auguste 
qui commandoit les vaisseaux qui s'etoient forme en 
tete de la ligne leur a fait signal de forcer de voile. A 
deux heures et demie, I'armee ennemie qui etoit en 
bataille a bord oppose a la notre a vire lof pour lof 
toute a la fois, a une lieue et demie de distance et au 
vent; ils etoient vingt et un vaisseaux de guerre dont 
trois a trois ponts. Les vents etoient Nord Nord Est, 
petit vent clair; a trois heures et quart, le vaisseau 

C230;] 



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I'Auguste a fait signal au vaisseau de tete d'augmenter 
de voile. Le general a reppete le meme signal; a trois 
heures et demie, le vaisseau le Languedoc a fait routte 
pour venir prendre le commandement de la queue de 
I'armee. Les ennemies, apres avoir vire a nos amures, 
etoient en partie en pane; ils ont fait servir au moment 
que le Languedoc couroit a bord oppose, entre les deux 
lignes de bataille, pour aller prendre son porte. Les 
ennemies, ayant fait servir babord amure comme nous 
ils ont mis leurs pavilions et flammes. Nous avions le 
notre depuis notre depart de la baye. Les vents ont 
commence a varier au Nord Est, ensuite a I'Est Nord 
Est, petit f raix. Le general a fait signal aux vaisseaux 
de tete de serrer la ligne et a I'armee de suivre les 
mouvements des vaisseaux de tete successivement en 
serrant la ligne. A trois heures trois quart, le general 
voyant le vent refuser toujours, a fait signal aux vais- 
seaux de tete qui se trouvoient par leurs positions a 
portee de I'ennemi et au vent du corps de bataille de 
porter deux quarts largues pour retablir I'ordre de la 
ligne les vents refusant aux vaisseaux de la tete de notre 
armee et faisant portee deux quarts largues les ennemis 
arrivoient aussi. Alors, le general a assure sa mizaine 
ainsi que beaucoup des vaisseaux de I'armee que se trou- 
virent au corps de bataille. Les ennemis arrivoient 
toujours lentement suivant obliquement nos vaisseaux 
de tete quand, a quatre heures et quart, nos vaisseaux de 
tete ont commence a tirer sur les ennemis qui etoient 
tres a portee, ce que par leurs positions obliques autant 
que je pouvoit en juger on pouvoit les combattre avec 
avantage. Le feu est devenu vif au deux avant gardes. 
Le general leur a fait signal de serrer la ligne et de tenir 
le vent. L'on combattoit de fort proche jusqu'en avant 

[231] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

du centre de notre armee; mais les ennemis, au lieu 
d'engager bien I'affaire, mettoient en pane au moment 
qu'ils faisoient leurs decharges. L'amiral luy-meme, 
crainte de trop approcher, mettoit tous sur le mat a 
quatre heures et demie; le feu a commence au centre de 
I'armee de I'avant et de I'arriere du general ; les ennemis 
maitres du vent ne se livroient que de fort loin et simple- 
ment pour qu'il soit dit qu'ils ont combattu. II n^en 
etoit pas de meme a la tete des deux armees ; ou ne voyoit 
que feu et fumee de part et d'autre. A cinq heures et 
quart, le general a reppete aux vaisseaux de tete de 
tenir le vent. lis etoient tres foibles et variables a I'Est 
et Est Est Nord. Notre arriere garde se trouvoit en 
echiquier par le refus et la faiblesse du vent; a cinq 
heures trois quarts, le vaisseau a trois ponts comman- 
dant I'arriere garde ennemie a arrive ainsi que deux 
vaisseaux qui etoient a I'avant de luy sur le Palmier et 
le Solitaire et, apres avoir arrive quelques minutes, il 
a mis en pane esseyant si ses coups de canon parvien- 
droient jusqu'a ces vaisseaux. II a commence par tirer 
quelques coups ainsi que les deux autres vaisseaux qui 
avoient mis en pane comme luy. Les vaisseaux de 
I'arriere garde ennemie tenoient toujours le vent; le feu 
est venu general jusqu'a nous ; mais il n'a pas dure long- 
temps, les ennemis restoient en pane. La tete de notre 
armee tenoient le vent; de forcant de voile, nous serrions 
autant qu'il etoit possible notre ligne. Ce vaisseau a 
trois ponts, a six heures un quart environ, n'a plus tire; 
mais le feu a continue jusqu'a nuit clause du cote de 
I'avant garde. Le Citoyen a en quelques coups de canon 
dans les voiles aux au-bans et autres manoeuvres ainsi 
qu'au corps de vaisseau; j'avois beaucoup plus d'avan- 
tage que ce vaisseau a trois pont, a ce qu'il m'a paru car 

C232] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

presque touts les boulets de ce vaisseau tomboient a la 
mer avant de parvenir jusqu'a moy au lieu que je voyois 
que le peu que j'ai fait tirer il ne s'en est guere perdu 
ou, du moins, ils depassoient. Au coucher du soleil, le 
cap Henry restoit au ouest nord ouest 5° nord, distance 
trois lieues, la terre la plus Sud au Sud Sud Ouest 5° 
Sud, le tout corrige, la variation observee: 3° 30 nord 
ouest. Dans la nuit, les vents ont ete variables du Nord 
Est a I'Est faibles. La voilure a varie selon ma posi- 
tion, les armees ont continue courir babord amures. Les 
ennemis ont ete toute la nuit a la vue, tenant le vent; 
le temps etoit clair et beau. L'amiral ennemi a tire 
un coup de canon sur les neuf heures. II I'a reppete 
a quelque temps de la. 

Jeudy sixieme. Les vents toujours petit fraix a I'Est, 
les deux armees en presence tenant le vent babord 
amure au point du jour cinq vaisseaux ennemis etoient 
occupes a changer des mats d'hune. II y en avoit un qui 
m'a paru avoir le ton de son grand mat en domage; a 
huit heures et demie, la fregate I'Aigrette a ete parler 
au Languedoc. A neuf heures du matin, le vaisseau de 
tete de I'armee ennemi a vire de bord et a couru la 
bordee opposee pour se porter a la queue de sa ligne de 
bataille pour ne pas trop approcher de notre armee; 
cette manoeuvre a ete continuee toute la journee; elle se 
conservoit a environ deux lieues au vent; la terre parois- 
soit dans le Sud Ouest quart Sud a sept lieues environ. 
A midy la latitude observee a ete 36° 21 nord, la routte 
estimee depuis hier au coucher du soleil a valu le Sus 
Sud Est 3° Est; chemin dix huit lieues. La corrigee 
Sud Sud Est 5°, chemin dix sept lieues, la longitude 
arrivee Ouest soixante dis huit degres quatorze. La 
terre a ete releve au Sud Ouest quart Sud, distance sept 

1:23311 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

lieues. Les vents, dans le reste de la journee, ont ete 
variables de I'Est Nord Est a I'Est petit vent. Les deux 
armees, courant toujours babord amures, les ennemis a 
trois lieues au vent restant au coucher du soleil dans la 
partie du Nord. Les terres les plus au Sud a I'Ouest 
Sud Ouest 2° Quest, corrige a sept lieues et demie. 
Dans la nuit, les vents ont varie, au Sud Est. A onze 
heures un quart, le general a fait le signal de virer vent 
devant tous a la fois; apres que rarmee a en revire aux 
amures sur tribord j'ay force de voile pour me mettre 
en avant tacher de reconnoitre les ennemis ; les vents 
etoient faibles, la mer clapoteuse, le temps nuageux; la 
reste de la nuit I'armee a tenu le vent toute voile dehors. 
(En marge: Le matin, a six heures et demie, le general 
a fait signal de prendre a la feuille numero un les sig- 
naux fait par un seul pavilion. A sept heures, ordre 
aux vaisseaux de tete de faire de la voile. A minuit 
trouve vingt cinq brasses, sable gris fin.) 

Vendredy septieme. A cinq heures du matin, le peu 
d'air etoit au sud sud ouest presque calme; les ennemis 
etoient toujours dans le nord en calme ouest et mal en 
ordre. J'etois en avant de I'armee. A huit heures, la 
sonde a rapporte dix neuf brasses sable fin jaunatre et 
coquillage brise. Le calme a dure jusqu'a dix heures et 
demie du matin que les vents ont passe au Sud Est petit 
fraix et successivement au Sud Sud Ouest. A onze 
heures et demie, le general a fait signale a I'armee de 
former la ligne de bataille a I'ordre naturel; pour 
prendre mon poste il m'a fallu tenir le vent babord 
amure I'armee se formant aux amures sur tribord. A 
midy, latitude observee: 36° 6 nord, la routte depuis 
hier a midy a valu le Sud Est, chemin sept lieues et deux 
tiers, la longitude arrivee ouest soixante dix sept degres 

C2343 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

cinquante six. A midy et demie j'ai vire et pris mon 
poste par les eaux du vaisseau I'Hector. A deux heures 
moins un quart, I'armee a eu ordre de virer lof pour lof 
touts a la fois. A deux heures, ralliement a I'ordre de 
bataille renverse, babord amure; a deux heures et demie 
ordre au vaisseau le Souverain de prendre la tete de 
I'armee a la place du vaisseau le Pluton qui, par les 
avaries qu'il a recues dans ses mats, ne pouvoit agir pour 
conduire la tete de I'armee. (En marge: le Pluton a 
eu sa mature endommagee dans I'affaire du cinquieme, 
etant a la tete de la ligne.) A quatre heures, I'armee 
marchant sur la ligne du plus pres babord amure a 
I'ordre renverse, le Souverain a la tete, le vaisseau I'Au- 
guste commandant I'escadre bleue a fait signal aux 
vaisseaux de tete d'augmenter de voile. A quatre heure 
et quart le general a fait signal aux commandants des 
escadres qu'il les chargeoit de la police de la leur; im- 
mediatement, il a signale le mot d'ordre numero qua- 
rante sept. (En marge: A quatre heure et quart, 
I'Auguste a fait signal de serrer la ligne a son escadre) . 
A cinq heures, la f regate I'Aigrette a prolonge la ligne 
et a dit a tous les vaisseaux de la part du general de faire 
attention que, le premier signal qu'il feroit pour tenir le 
vent, les vaisseaux fairoient porter a un quart largue et 
que lorsqu'il reppeteroit le meme signal on tiendroit le 
plus pres du vent. Les ennemis etoient alors occupes a 
former leur ligne de bataille a nos amures revirant par la 
contre marche et se formant sur le dernier vaisseau de 
leur armee. lis etoient for sous le vent. A cinq heures 
et demie, le general a fait signal a I'armee de virer vent 
devant toute a la fois et aux vaisseaux de tete d'aug- 
menter de voile et immediatement rallier Tarmee a 
I'ordre d'echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord, 

1:2353 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

amures, sur tribord au plus pres du vent. A six heures, 
I'armee a revire aux amures sur tribord, apres avoir 
revire, elle a porte un quart largue. A sept heures, le 
general a fait le signal communique par I'Aigrette pour 
tenir le vent. A huit heures et demie, I'armee a tenir 
le vent sur tribord amure en ordre d'echiquier. Les 
vents etoient Sud Sud Ouest petit fraix. L'ennemi a 
revire a nos amures avant la nuit. Le terre paroissoit, 
au coucher du soleil, au Sud Ouest quart Ouest, a sept 
lieues. La variation observee occase 4° Nord Ouest. 
Les vents ont ete toute la nuit variables du Sud Ouest 
au Sud Sud Ouest petit fraix. J'ay tenir le vent au 
poste que j'avais dans I'armee sous differentes voilures. 
Le temps beau et clair. 

Samedy huitieme Septembre. A cinq heures du 
matin, les vents du Sud Ouest petit fraix, temps clair, le 
general a fait signal a I'armee de ralliement a I'ordre 
d'echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord, sur tribord 
amure, la routte au plus pres du vent, les ennemis 
restoient dans la partie du nord ouest. A trois 
lieues un tiers au meme bord a sept heures du matin 
signal a I'armee de se rallier a I'ordre de bataille, 
renverse babord amures. L'armee a vire, vent devant, 
toute a la fois, d'apres le signal fait; a sept heures et 
quart, ordre de serrer la ligne. L'ennemi a vire aussi 
par la contre marche a nos amures. A huit heures, le 
general a fait signal au vaisseau de tete de gouverner 
de maniere a passer de I'avant du chef de file de 
l'ennemi. Le Souverain a fait porter plein sur les ordres 
qu'il avoit recus pour approcher l'ennemi et luy passer 
au vent. A huit heures et quart, le general a fait signal 
de serrer la ligne; touts les vaisseaux, successivement, 
suivoient les mouvements du vaisseau de tete. A huit 

[236] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

heures trois quart, I'Auguste a fait signal qu'il decouv- 
roit des voiles sous le vent. C'etait trois vaisseaux ou 
fregates de I'armee ennemi qui rallioient. A neuf 
heures et quart, I'Auguste a fait signal qu'il avoit atten- 
tion aux signals du general, a neuf heures et demie, les 
ennemis courant le meme bord que nous, le general a 
fait signal au vaisseau de tete de tenir le vent et succes- 
sivement toute I'armee a tenu le vent babord amure tou- 
jours a I'ordre de bataille renverse; il y avoit a craindre 
que les ennemis ne nous eussent gagne le vent si Tarmee 
avoit continue courir plein. (En marge: a dix heures 
un quart, le Magnanime a signale la terre au vent) . Les 
vents etoient toujours Sud Quest petit frais. La partie 
du Nord Quest commencoit a devenir nuasjeuse. A 
onze heures et quart, le general a fait signal de virer 
vent devant touts a la fois; apres que I'armee a eu re- 
vire le general a fait signal de ralliement a I'ordre 
d'echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord sur tribord 
amure, au plus pres du vent. A midy, latitude observee 
36° 2 nord; la routte, depuis hier, a midy, a valu le Sud 
Sud Quest 3 ° 30 sud, chemin une lieue un tiers ; la longi- 
tude arrivee vaut 'j^'' 58. Les vents toujours sud ouest 
mais devenu faibles; I'ennemi a revire a midy et quart. 
A une heure apres midy, le general a reppete le signal 
de I'ordre d'echequier sur tribord amure. A trois heures, 
les orages ont commence de la partie du Nord Nord 
Est, les vents fraix variant sans se fixer qu'a quatre 
heures et quart au Nord Nord Est avec grosse pluye, le 
temps devenu noir; le general a fait signal a I'armee de 
virer lof pour lof touts a la fois babord amure; la pluye 
et le tonnerre etoient en abondance; les vents faibles du 
Nord Est au Nord Nord Est sur les cinq heures et par 
raphales. L'armee apres avoir revire a tenu le vent en 

C237!] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

ordre d'echiquier, babord amure; a huit heures du soir, 
le general a fait signal a I'armee de prendre tous les ris. 
Les vents commengoit a fraichir, le temps noir, la mer 
grosse. Apres avoir pris les bas ris, j'ai force de voile 
pour rallier le vaisseau qui etoit de I'avant a moy et 
le general qui etoit en avant; a onze heures, me trou- 
vant a portee de touts les vaisseaux j'ai diminue de voile 
et reste sous les huniers. Les vents etoient Nord Nord 
Est fraix et par raphales, le temps noir, des eclairs de 
partout, peu de pluye, ainsi que tout le reste de la nuit. 
Dimanche neuvieme. A cinq heures du matin, les 
vents ayant varie au Nord Est fraix, I'armee tenoit tou- 
jours le vent babord amure; les ennemis etoient dans la 
partie du nord a trois lieues et demie environ et a nos 
amures. Le general a fait signal a I'armee de se rallier 
a I'ordre naturel de bataille, babord amure. J'ay arrive 
pour prendre mon poste a huit heures. Le signal a ete 
fait pour tenir le vent et, a huit heures et demie, faire 
virer I'armee vent arriere tout a la fois. Le temps etoit 
obscur et un peu brumeux. Les ennemis paroissoient 
confusement et on ne pouvoit distinguer leurs manoeu- 
vres; a neuf heures et quart, I'armee ayant revire, le 
general a fait signal de retablir I'ordre de marche en 
echiquier sur la ligne du plus pres babord sur tribord 
amures; a neuf heures et demie, les vents ont varie a 
I'Est Nord Est fraix, la mer grosse, le temps moins bru- 
meux, tonjours nuageux. L'armee tenoit le plus pres 
tous les huniers au bas viz et la mizaine. A midy, lati- 
tude observee 35° 41 nord; la routte estimee depuis hier 
a midy a valu le Sud Est quart Est; chemin dix lieues 
un tiers ; la corrige : le Sud Est quart Est 3° Sud, chemin 
douze lieues; la longitude arrivee ouest '/']° 21. A 
trent quatre lieues du cap Henry au Nord Ouest quart 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

nord 4° 20 ouest. A une heure, les vents d'Est Nord 
Est moins fort que la mer de Nord Nord Est qui exis- 
toit grosse, le vaisseau, ayant de la peine a se porter sur 
la lame, j'ai amure ma grande voile. L'armee ennemie 
a paru en ce moment courant la bordee du Sud Est 
babord amure; elle restoit au Nord Ouest quart Ouest. 
A une heure et demie, elle a revire aux amures sur tri- 
bord par la contre marche et, apres avoir revire, elle a 
serre le petit hunier pour ne pas trop courir dans le 
Nord et conserver toujours I'avantage du vent. Elle 
etoit a trois lieues et demie environ de notre armee. A 
trois heures, le Caton a signale avoir une voye d'eau. 
Le general lui a repondu au feuillet numero trois et, 
ensuite, I'a renvoye au Nord Ouest; finalement, il a 
change lof pour lof, mis en pane babord au vent, s'est 
radoube; a quatre heures, il a fait signal qu'il etoit 
prest. Le general lui a repondu que l'armee reglera sa 
voilure sur la sienne. II a, cependant, force de voile 
pour joindre et repris son poste. A neuf heures du soir, 
les vents a I'Est fraix, beau temps, le general a fait 
signal a l'armee qu'il etoit essentiel que chaque vaisseau 
se tint a son poste et de serrer la ligne, I'ennemie etant 
a notre vue. J'ai force de voile sans larguer les ris pour 
me mettre en avant; a minuit j'etois de I'avant des gene- 
raux tenant le vent; j'ai diminue de voile en attendant; 
les vents ont ete Est Nord Est jusqu'au jour, beau temps 
clair. 

Lundy dizieme. A six heures du matin, les vents tou- 
jours Est Nord Est petit fraix beau temps clair, l'armee 
ennemie ne paroissant point le Souverain et le Citoyen 
etoient en avant de l'armee; la vigie, du haut des mats, 
a vu huit voiles dans I'Ouest Nord Ouest; on en voyoit 
encore dans le Sud et lans le Sud Ouest. A six heures 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

et quart, le general a fait signal a I'armee de se rallier 
a I'ordre de bataille renverse sur tribord amure. A sept 
heures, faire passer I'Aigrette a poupe du general ainsi 
que le vaisseau le Pluton; mais, ce signal a ete annule 
par le Pluton. A sept heures et quart, ralliement a tous 
les vaisseaux et fregates qui chassoient sous le vent. A 
sept heures trois quart, faire forcer de voile a toute 
I'armee et reppeter tous les signaux. Le general a rep- 
pete le signal de I'ordre de bataille renverse sur tribord 
amure. J'etois par les eaux de I'Auguste; alors, suivant 
les mouvements qu'il faisoit manquant le Scipion pour 
se mettre en avant de moy et qui venoit prendre son 
poste quand le general a huit heures du matin a fait sig- 
nal a I'armee de chasser sans ordre; dans le nord, 
I'armee I'ennemie ne paroissoit point; il paroissoit deux 
batiments de guerre dans le sud auest, a bord oppose a 
notre armee, a trois lieues environ de distance. A dix 
heures, le general a appele les deux fregates qui etoient 
a chasser en avant. A midy, les vents etoient a I'Est 
faibles, le temps clair, latitude observee 36° 44 Nord; 
la routte, depuis hier, a midy: le nord quart Nord Quest 
3° 15; corrige; chemin vingt deux lieues; la longitude 
arrivee, ouest, ']']° 42. A seize lieues du cap Henry a 
I'Ouest Nord Ouest 4° 30 ouest. Le general, a, environ 
une heure apres midy a indique la routte au Nord Nord 
Ouest. L'armee a single aussitot dans la ditte partie; je 
chassois en avant de I'armee, hautes et basses bonnettes; 
a une heure precise, la vigie a decouvert deux voiles 
dans le Sud Sud Ouest qui paroissoient courir la bordee 
au Nord Nord Est. Le general n'ayant pas repondu a 
mon signal et, a quatre heures, ayant fait celuy de dimi- 
nuer de voile aux vaisseaux de tete, j'ai reste sous les 
huniers et arrive au Sud Ouest pour me rallier inde- 

[240] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

pendemment des deux batiments signales dans le Sud 
Sud Quest, il en paroissoit deux autres dans TOuest 
courant a la bordee de I'armee, les vents etoient a TEst 
petit f raix. A huit heures du soir, la sonde a rapporte 
vingt une brasses sable gris. A huit heures du soir, j'ai 
mis en pane, le cap a la routte, pour ne pas trop faire 
de chemin et attendre I'armee. J'ai ensuite porte au 
Nord Quest jusqu'a neuf heures et quart que j'ai fait 
servir le grand hunier. Le vent etoit alors faible. A 
deux heures j'ai trouve douze brasses d'eau fond sable 
jaune. Le reste de la nuit, les vents ont ete tres faibles 
a I'Est, grosse mer du large, le temps clair. L'armee 
a tenu le vent sur tribord amure a petite voile en atten- 
dant le jour. ( En marge : Pendant la nuit, vu en differ- 
entes fois des fusees differentes des notres que les bati- 
ments de la pointe de I'ouest langoient pour signaux de 
reconnoissance.) 

Mardy onzieme. A six heures du matin, un vaisseau 
de I'arriere de I'armee a signale que les batiments que 
Ton avoit chassee etoit f rangois ou allie. Effectivement, 
c'etoit le Glorieux et la Diligente qui venoient joindre 
I'armee. (En marge: les batiments qui restoient au 
Sud Sud Quest hier apres midy.) A six heures et demie 
du matin, le general a fait signal aux vaisseaux les plus 
a portee des chasseurs de reppeter les signaux. A sept 
heures et quart, signal au dixieme vaisseau de I'escadre 
blanche de passer a poupe de luy. (En marge: le Sou- 
verain.) A huit heures, signal de ralliement en toute 
occasion. A huit heures et quart, vu la terre. L'armee 
partoit au Nord Quest quart Nord. Ensuite, elk a 
single au Nord Quest, toujours a petite voile. Les vents 
etoient sud petit vent. Le cap Henry restoit au Quest 
quart Sud Quest, corrige distance: huit lieues. A neuf 

1:241] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

heures environ, signal a I'armee de tenir le vent babord 
amure. A neuf heures et quart, une fregate qui restoit 
dans la partie du Nord Ouest courant la bordee aux 
amures sur tribord a mis en pane apres avoir reconnue 
I'armee et fait des signaux de reconnoissance auxquels 
le general a repondu aussitot et, un instant apres, le 
general a mis son numero. C'etoit la Concorde qui a 
couru le bord au large pour luy passer a poupe. A dix 
heures, le general a fait signal a I'armee de chasser son 
ordre et de tenir le vent aux memes amures. Nous 
etions a la vue de la baye de Chesapeak ou nous y 
voyions I'escadre aux ordres de Mr. de Barras mouillie; 
le Glorieux avoit mis son numero; mais je n'etoit pas 
encore rallie et, par consequent, encore de I'arriere et 
au vent de I'armee qui tenoit le plus pres. Les vents 
etoient Sud, petit fraix. II empechoit, par consequent, ces 
deux batiments etrangeres a I'armee qui restoient dans la 
partie de I'Ouest, hier, a prendre le large; toute I'armee, 
qui chassoit pour approcher la cote, les empechoit aussi 
de courir Nord. A midy moins un quart, I'Auguste 
qui etoit sous le vent au Citoyen a revire de bord au 
large. J'ay revire aussi par les neuf brasses. (En 
marge: le fond est sable jaune). A une lieue un tiers 
de la cote, la latitude observee 36° 55 nord. La routte 
depuis hier a midy: I'ouest nord ouest. Chemin treize 
lieues un tiers. La corrigee: ouest un quart nord ouest 
8° nord, treize lieues. La longitude arrivee: 78° 30 
ouest, cap Henry Nord Ouest quart Ouest, restant a 
trois lieues de distance. J'avois revire sur tribord amure 
toute voile dehors et passe au vent de tous les vaisseaux 
qui etoient de I'arriere de moy. Le Glorieux, I'Aigrette 
et la Diligente avoient signale avoir espoir de joindre 
ces batiments. Les vents qui etoient devenu assez frais 

[242] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 

pour courir des bordees a trois heures et demie. J'ai 
revire a terre quand le vaisseau le Sceptre a fait signal 
que les batiments chasses couroient vent arriere; efifec- 
tivement, c'etoient deux fregates; elles avoient pro- 
longe la cote ne pouvant courir au large et forgoient de 
voile aussi proche de terre qu'elles pouvoient pour que 
les vaisseaux ne pussent les approcher. Le Glorieux qui 
les poursuivoit et qui couroit vent arriere comme elles 
a canone la derniere qui s'est aussitot rendue; celle qui 
etoit en avant a continue forcer de voiles; j'ai fait porter 
plein sur la cote pour luy couper chemin et j'y serois 
parvenu; mais, il y avoit tant des chasseurs a I'autour 
de cette f regate qui ne pouvoit echaper le Glorieux sans 
s'amurer au mariner le Richmond; celle qui venoit 
d'etre prise I'a laissee a la Bourgogne et a continue 
chasser; a quatre heures et quart, le vaisseau la Bour- 
gogne ayant fait le signal avec vaisseaux le plus a portee 
de I'aider a amariner la prise, j'ai couru de ce cotte la, 
pour cet effet; I'ayant joint, ainsi que le Pluton, sur les 
cinq heures, j'ai mis mon canot a la mer pour I'envoyer 
a bord de la Burgogne avec un officier prendre les ordres 
de Monsieur de Charite; le canot a ete mande a bord 
du Richmond; on luy a donne vingt huit prisonniers 
et il est retourne a bord sur les cinq heures et demie; 
cette f regate le Richmond, de trente deux canons, etoit 
de compagnie avec celle qui etoit encore poursuivie qui 
se nommoit I'lris, re quarante canons, construite a Bos- 
ton et prise par les Anglois; elles etoient bien armees en 
equipages et en canons; elles venoient de Chesapeack; 
par ordre du general qui commande I'armee anglaise, 
elles avoient coupe les bouees de Nord Quest ancres et 
cherchoient leurs armees. Cette fregate, ditte I'Iris, 
combattoient toujours et contre I'Aigrette et centres les 

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THE GRAVES PAPERS 

autres; mais, sur les cinq heures trois quarts, ayant ete 
obligee d'arriver pour ecarter la pointe Dingen qui va 
au large et qui est dans le Sud Est cap Henry, le vais- 
seau le plus a portee qui etoit le Palmier lui ayant coupe 
le grand mat d'hune, elle s'est rendue et a ete conduite 
par I'armee dans la baye de Chesapeack qui y a ete 
mouiller. A six heures et demie, le Pluton, nous ayant 
mis le pavilion de mouillage, il a fait servir, le cap 
Henry restoit, alors, au nord ouest; corrige distance: 
quatre lieues. J'ai fait servir aussi et approcher le 
Pluton qui m'a dit qu'il mouilleroit le long de la cote 
en attendant le jour; pour aller mouiller dans la baye, 
j'ai single au nord nord ouest de I'arriere de luy et, a 
neuf heures, comme il a mouille, je suis venu mouiller 
dans le nord de luy a environ un cable et demie de dis- 
tance, les feux de I'armee restant au nord nord ouest; 
j'avois dix brasses, sable fin et jaune. La fregate a 
mouille aussi entre nous, la Bourgogne a passe dans la 
baye. Les vents etoient sud sud est petit f raix variables 
au sud ouest, beau temps. — (En marge: II nous est mort 
trois hommes.) 



C244] 



THE GRAVES PAPERS 



EXTRAIT DU LIVRE DE BORD DU VAISSEAU LE PLUTON^ 

3 septembre, 1781 

Lundi trois. Nous avons sgu que dans les batiments 
pris hier au soir par I'Aigrete, I'un venoit de Charle- 
town et de la Jamaique, avec beaucoup d'officiers allant 
a Tarmee de Cornwalis. Le Souverain a appareille 
pour rentrer plus en dedans. — Monsieur du Patail, 
commandant le genie dans I'armee du general Vasing- 
thon est arrive avec des lettre de ce general et de Mon- 
sieur de Rochambeau ; il mandent a Monsieur de Grasse 
que sur la nouvelle de notre arrivee par la Concorde, ils 
etaient parti de leur camppes de Newyork avec toute 
I'armee frangoise et un detachement considerable 
d'Americain pour gagner le bord de la baye de Chesa- 
peak et qu'ils en avaient fait part a Monsieur de Barras 
afin qu'il vient les prendre a la riviere d'Elk ou ils sont 
actuellement, avec des batiment de transport pour les 
amener ici et qu'ils le prient de ne point attaquer Corn- 
walis sans eux, qui a quatre mille cinq cents hommes de 
troupes reglees. Le general a envoye le Serpent porte 
la reponse qui est qu'il n'a point de batiment de trans- 
port et qu'il attendra Monsieur de Barras. 

1 Archives de la Marine, B^ 184, fol. 8ov°-90v°. 



1:245] 



APPENDIX I 

pRANgois Joseph Paul de Grasse-Rouville, Count de Grasse, 
Marquis de Tilly, was born in the commune of Bar-sur-Loup, Alpes- 
Maritimes, on the 13th September, 1722. When but 12 years old 
he entered the service of the Order of Malta as a Garde- IVIarine. In 
1740 he joined the French navy; was made capitaine de vaisseau in 
1 762, served under D'Orvilliers in the Squadron of Evolutions in 1 772, 
when he was highly commended as "a captain of the first distinction, 
made for a general officer and to conduct the squadrons and fleets of 
the King" (Lacour-Gayet, 390). He was in command of the 
"Robuste," 74 (again under D'Orvilliers), in the ineffective battle of? 
Ushant, July, 1778, an action which brought the British commander- 
in-chief, Keppel, and one of his captains, Palliser, to a court-martial. 
Raised to the rank of chef d'escadre (commodore) in this same 
year, he sailed in 1779 (still in the "Robuste"), with a squadron of 
four ships of the line, for the West Indies, where he served with credit 
under Guichen and D'Estaing. He returned with Guichen to France 
in January, 1781, and on March 22, the day he sailed from Brest in 
command of the fleet which was to be so effective an instrument in 
establishing American independence, was made lieutenant-general 
(the equivalent of rear-admiral in France at this period). His good 
fortune ended with his departure, November 4, 1781, from our wa- 
ters. On April 12, 1782, he was defeated and made prisoner by Rod- 
ney (with 36 ships to the French 30, to which the latter had been 
reduced from 34 by collision and other accident), in the action usually 
known as Les Saintes, the small islands between Guadeloupe and 
Dominica. Though but six French ships were taken (one the flag- 
ship, the "Ville de Paris"), this battle warded of? the contemplated 
attack on Jamaica and ended French naval influence in the West 
Indies. The loss of the battle was due (besides marked inferiority 
in guns and class of ships) to bad handling of the French fleet, which, 
in the beginning, scattered over a length of ten miles, never got mto 
a real line of battle, and by standing south got into the light bafflmg 
airs of an almost calm dav, under Dominica. Much has been written 
of Rodnev's "breaking the line," but careful reading has convinced me 
that the breaking of the French line, as a special tactical move, is a 
myth. There was no real line to break. There were but discon- 

1:247] 



APPENDIX 

nected and scattered units to attack. The beautiful regularity of 
printed plans is very misleading. 

Of the six ships taken but two ever reached England. All v^^ere 
with Graves as part of the convoy of the great fleet of merchantmen 
which left the West Indies at the end of July, 1782. Two, the 
"Ville de Paris" and "Glorieux," foundered with all on board; the 
"Hector" sank later on her way to Halifax; the "Ardent" got into 
Halifax, where she was condemned; the "Caton," after repairs at 
Halifax, reached England. The "Jason" was the only one which 
weathered the gale without serious injury. 

De Grasse sailed from Jamaica on May 25, 1782, in the "Sand- 
wich," flag-ship of Admiral Peter Parker, for England. He reached 
Portsmouth on July 31 ; London on August 3. On August 9 he and 
all the French officers were presented to King George. He left 
London on August 12, reaching Paris on the 16th. On the i8th he 
was received by Louis XVI. He was granted a court. This, which 
inquired into the conduct of all the superior oflScers in the battle of 
Les Saintes, and many of lesser rank, was composed of fourteen 
officers and a judge-advocate. It did not render a decision until May 
21, 1784. Many — in fact, most — of the charges brought by De Grasse 
were declared by the court "calumnious" and were ordered stricken 
from the record. He received a letter from the Minister of Marine 
(De Castries), saying: "His Majesty wishes to think you did all in 
your power to prevent the misfortunes of the day, but he cannot have 
the same indulgence in regard to the matters you impute unjustly to 
those officers of his navy who are found not guilty. His Majesty, 
dissatisfied with your conduct in this regard, forbids you to present 
yourself before him. It is with pain that I transmit his instructions 
and that I add the advice that, in the existing circumstances, you 
withdraw to your province." This De Grasse did. He saw no 
further service. Chevalier (Histoire de la Marine Frangaise pendant 
la Guerre de L'Independance Americaine), who devotes several 
pages to the finding of the court (pp. 313-320), and several more to 
the result as it concerns De Grasse, says: "Beaten in the battle of 
Dominica, he honored himself by defending the ship in which flew 
his flag, with an energy difficult to surpass. His personal courage on 
this unhappy day was above all praise. In exchange for the ser- 
vices he had rendered, France owed him forgetfulness of the faults 
he committed on the I2th of April. As for himself, after the battle 
of Dominica he was under strict obligation to keep silence and live 
in seclusion. Instead of resigning himself to this role, the only one 
which became him, he gave himself up to sterile and unjust recrimina- 
tions. He did not know — what, moreover, is the gift of but very few 
men — how to show dignity in misfortune." Americans, remembering 
their great debt to De Grasse, cannot but feel that he was harshly 
treated, and that this criticism was but the echo of a hundred-j^ear- 

1:2483 



APPENDIX 

old dispute. Of De Grasse's courage there can be no doubt; of the 
value of his services there can be no question. He was a vital factor 
in the establishment of American independence. In the face of this 
fact, such errors as those quoted from his compatriot are as nothing. 

De Grasse was married three times: first, in 1764, to Antoinette 
Rosalia Acaron, the daughter of a naval commissary. Of this mar- 
riage there were six children, Alexandre Franqois Auguste, who died 
about 1849; Amelie Maxime Rosalie, who died unmarried; Adelaide, 
who died at Charleston, S. C, of yellow fever; Maxime, who died in 
1773; Melanie Veronique Maxime, who died also of yellow fever at 
Charleston, September 19, 1799; Silvie, who married Francis de Pau 
and died in New York, January 5, 1855, aged eighty-three. Mrs. de 
Pau left two sons and five daughters.^ Of these, there are a number 
of descendants living in 1916. 

The second wife of De Grasse was Catherine Pien, widow of a M. 
de Villeneuve; the third was Christine Marie Delphine Lazare de 
Cibon. Of these there were no children. 

He died at Paris, January ii, 1788.2 



APPENDIX II 



George Brydges Rodney (born 17 19, died 1792) entered the 
navy in July, 1732, on board the "Sunderland," 60; in 1733 he was 
in the "Dreadnought"; in 1739, in the "Somerset," 80, where he was 
promoted lieutenant in October of the same year and sent to the 
"Dolphin," frigate. In 1741 he was in the "Essex" in the Channel, 
and in 1742 went to the Mediterranean with Admiral Mathews, by 
whom he was promoted captain of the "Plymouth," 60, when but 

iDe Grasse's four daughters came to Charleston during the French Revo- 
lution On February 27, i795, Washington, as President, approved an act ot 
Congress granting them'$/c^ each. Amelie (Maxime Rosal.e) died August 
23, 1799, and Melanie (Veronique Maxime) September 19 following They 
were'bu'ried in the Catholic Cemetery at Charleston. The/econd d ughter. 
Adelaide, was married to a Monsieur deGroschamps. J^^^ >°""f:;*V^:^^^^^ 
Alexandrine, was married to Francis de Pau of ^^^J^'^^^^^f '','"J ^3"! 
York Thev had two sons and five daughters. The first child ^ s""' "^f ^ 

journals of unknown officers in his fleet, printed by the Bradford Club, ."New 
York, 1864. 

[249:1 



APPENDIX 

twenty-three years old. His promotion was confirmed by the Ad- 
miralty. In 1743 and 1744 he was in the "Sheerness" and "Ludlow 
Castle"; in 1745 was in command of the new 60-gun ship "Eagle"; 
was in the action in which the French under L'Etenduere were defeated 
in 1747. He was appointed to the "Rainbow," 40, in 1748, as Gov- 
ernor of Newfoundland ; paid off in 1752. After several years' service 
in command of guard-ships at Portsmouth, he was, in February, 
1757) given command of the "Dublin," He thus escaped being pres- 
ent at the execution of Byng (March 14, 1757), having the previous 
December escaped serving on the court-martial, on the plea of "a 
violent bilious colic." He was w^ith Hawke in the expedition against 
the Basque Roads, and in 1758 was with Boscawen in North Amer- 
ica, but took no part in the attack on Louisburg on account of sick- 
ness. He was made rear-admiral in 1759 and operated on the 
French coast that year and in 1760 (bombarding Havre July 4, 5 and 
6 in the former year). In 1761 was in command in the West Indies; 
in 1762 was promoted vice-admiral; returned to England 1763; 
created baronet, 1764; governor of Greenwich Hospital, 1765, where 
he remained five years. He had a seat, as a nominee of the Govern- 
ment, in the House of Commons from 1 75 1 to 1768, but in securing 
a seat in the latter year, through his own resources, is said to have 
spent £30,000. This crippled him financially for life. In 1771 he 
was nominated rear-admiral of Great Britain ; was in the West 
Indies 1 771-1774. On his return he was obliged to leave the coun- 
try on account of debt, and thus lived in Paris over four years. In 
1778 he was enabled to return to England through the kindness of 
the Marechal de Biron, who advanced him lOOO louis. He was 
promoted admiral January 29, 1778, and at the end of 1779 was 
given a command in the West Indies. On his way, he was to relieve 
Gibraltar, having under his orders twenty-one ships of the line, some 
frigates, and some three hundred store-ships. On January 16, 1 780, he 
came in contact with a Spanish squadron of eleven ships of the line off 
Cape St. Vincent. Only two of the latter escaped. After the relief 
of Gibraltar, he sailed with four ships of the line for the West Indies, 
where he had a notable career in which an unsuccessful action 
(through mistake of signals) against Guichen, the capture of St. 
Eustatius and its £3,000,000 of plunder (which carried Rodney off 
his head and led to financial ruin, partly through lawsuits, partly by 
reason of the capture by the French of the convoy conveying the booty 
to England), and the victory of the 1 2th of April, 1782, were the 
principal incidents. 

For this victory over De Grasse he was made a peer with a pension 
of £2000, which in 1 793 was settled on the title forever. He saw no 
further service. He was prematurely old through gout and dissipa- 
tion and greatly harassed by lawsuits arising from his action at St. 
Eustatius. He died suddenly at his house in Hanover Square, Lon- 

1:250] 



APPENDIX 

don, on May 23, 1792. He was twice married, having two sons by 
his first wife, and two sons and three daughters by the second, who 
survived him thirty-seven years. His elder son, John, by his second 
wife, was a remarkable example of the favoritism of the times. Ac- 
companying his father in the "Sandwich," he was made lieutenant, 
commander and captain at fifteen, being at this age in command of 
the "Boreas" frigate. These commissions were confirmed on his 
return to England in 1782. Accidentally, when just appointed in 
1795 to the "Vengeance," he broke his leg, which had to be ampu- 
tated, and he saw no further sea service. He died a captain on the 
retired list April 9, 1847. 

Sir Samuel Hood, who had joined Rodney in December, 1780, as 
second in command, is very bitter in his criticisms of Rodney in his 
letters. In these, however, Hood's character does not show well. 
In his correspondence with Hood, Rodney was always appreciative 
and even affectionate, nor does Hood in his correspondence with Rod- 
ney ever show any but a ver>- different sentiment from that of his 
private letters. 

With all his faults, Rodney was a great commander.^ 



APPENDIX III 

Admiral Samuel Hood was born December 12, 1724, the eldest son 
of the Reverend Samuel Hood. He entered the navy in 1741 as 
"captain's servant" and in 1743 was rated midshipman. He was 
such with Rodney in 1744 in the "Ludlow Castle." He was lieu- 
tenant in 1746 in the "Winchelsea" and was wounded when in her in 
an action with a French frigate which was captured. He served in 
the "Lyon" on the North American coast in 1748, returned to Eng- 
land the same year and was placed on half pay ; he married in 1 749. 
He was appointed to the "Invincible" guard-ship at Portsmouth in 
1753; in 1754 had command of the "Jamaica" sloop of war, which 
he took to America. He returned thence in 1756 as captain of the 
"Grafton." In 1757 he had command of the "Antelope" of 50 guns, 
drove ashore on May 14 the French ship "Aquilon" of like force, and 
a week later captured two privateers. Was appointed to the "Bide- 
ford" frigate, July, 1757; to the "Vestal," February, 1758, and was 
with Hawke on his second and more successful attack on the Basque 
Roads. On February 12, I759, he sailed in the "Vestal" for North 
America in a squadron under Commodore Holmes, but chasing a 
strange sail, which turned out to be the French frigate "Bellona he 
captured her. His own ship after the action had only her badly 
1 Mainly from the British Dictionary of National Biography.-THE Editor. 

[250 



APPENDIX 

injured lower masts standing; his prize was wholly dismasted. He 
was thus obliged to return to refit. He then joined a squadron under 
command of Rodney, just promoted to flag rank, and took part in his 
attack on Havre, July, 1759. He was employed in the Mediterra- 
nean, 1 760-1 763 ; in 1765 carried a regiment of troops in the "Thun- 
derer" to America; in 1767 was appointed commodore and com- 
mander-in-chief in North America, with his broad pennant in the 
"Romney." From 1 771 to 1776 he commanded the guard-ship at 
Portsmouth. In 1778 he was appointed commissioner at Portsmouth, 
governor of the Naval Academy, and was made a baronet, — appoint- 
ments which in the circumstances indicated retirement from active 
service. He was, however, promoted to rear-admiral of the Blue on 
September 26, 1780, and sent in December with a strong fleet to 
reinforce Rodney in the West Indies. The supposed explanation of 
these events was the difficulty in finding officers willing to sene in 
high commands under the Sandwich administration, which was po- 
litically so corrupt as to be in strong disfavor. Politics were never 
more disreputable than at this period. Hood, though he had made 
no particular reputation before, was to show marked ability in the 
West Indies and acquired a great reputation as a tactician. His con- 
duct while North with Graves appears in the text, but his handling 
of his fleet at St. Kitts in the presence of De Grasse, where he occu- 
pied and held the anchorage against the latter, gave him a great repu- 
tation. He played a brilliant part as second in command on the I2th 
of April, 1782, w^hich brought him a peerage (September 12, 1782). 

He remained in the West Indies as second in command until the 
peace of 1783. Was returned in the general election of 1784 to Par- 
liament (for Westminster). Was commander-in-chief at Portsmouth 
in 1787-88. Was promoted vice-admiral of the Blue, September 24, 
1787, and in July, 1788, becarrve a member of the Board of Admi- 
ralty, where he remained until the outbreak of war with France, Feb- 
ruary, 1793, when he was appointed commander-in-chief in the 
Mediterranean. His flag-ship was the "Victory." He arrived off 
Toulon on July 16, 1793. The extraordinary and dramatic events 
of Hood's command of a year and a half off Toulon must be read 
elsewhere for want of space here. He was promoted to admiral on 
April 12, 1794, and sailed for England on October 11, leaving Ad- 
miral Hotham in command. Hood was strongly criticized during 
this command, but Nelson's opinion is decisive. Said he: 

"The fleet must regret the loss of Lord Hood, the best officer, take 
him altogether, that England has to boast of; great in all situations 
which an admiral can be placed in." 

On June i, 1796, he was created viscount; in March of the same 
year he had been appointed governor of Greenwich Hospital, which 
post he held in full possession of his faculties until his death on Janu- 
ary 27, 1816, in his ninety-second year. 

1:252] 



APPENDIX 



APPENDIX IV 

TRANSLATION OF THE FRENCH ACCOUNT OF THE ACTION OFF THE 

CHESAPEAKE, AS PUBLISHED BY THEIR COMMANDERS AT 

THE CAPE, AND PRINTED IN THE JAMAICA PAPER ^ 

"Cape Frangois, 27th Nov. 1781. 

"The fleet in Lynnhaven-bay was waiting for news from General 
Washington, and the return of its boats, when, on the 5th of Septem- 
ber, at eight in the morning, the lookout frigate made the signal of 
seeing twenty sail to the eastward, steering for the bay, the wind at 
N, E. It was soon discovered to be an enemy's fleet, and not that of 
the Compte de Barras, which was expected. 

"The English fleet forcing sail was soon near enough to be per- 
ceived forming the line of battle a-head on the starboard tack, and 
placing its heaviest ships in the van. 

"As soon as it was known to be the enemy's fleet, the Compte de 
Grasse gave orders to prepare for battle, to recall the boats from 
watering, and for the fleet to be ready to get under sail. At noon the 
tide permitted to get under sail ; accordingly the signal was made, as 
also to form the line promiscuously as the ships could get under weigh. 

"All the captains applied themselves so diligently to the manoeuvre, 
that, notwithstanding the absence of ninety officers and eighteen hun- 
dred men, the fleet was under sail in less than three quarters of an 
hour, and the line formed in the following order: Pluton. Marseil- 
lois, Bourgogne, Reflechi, Auguste, L'Esprit, Caton, Caesar, Ville de 
Paris, Victoire, Sceptre, Northumberland, Palmier, Solitaire, Citoyen, 
Scipion, Magnanime, Hercule, Languedoc, Zele, Hector, Souverain. 
The Languedoc, commanded by M. de Monteil, Commodore of the 
White and Blue squadron, happened to be the ship next a-head of the 
Ville de Paris; and the Compte de Grasse, observing that no general 
officer was in his rear, gave M. de Monteil a verbal order to go and 
take the command there. 

"The enemy coming down took care in forming their line on the 
starboard tack, still to preserve the wind. At two o'clock they wore 
altogether, and formed their line upon the same tack as the French. 

"In this position the two fleets were on the same tack, but by no 
means parallel, as the rear guard of Admiral Graves was infinitely to 
windward of his van. 

"At three o'clock the headmost of the French ships, from the vary- 
ing of the wind and current, finding themselves too far to windward 
for a well formed line, the Compte de Grasse made them bear up two 
points, that his ships might have the advantage of engaging together; 
1 From Beatson's Naval and Military Memoirs. 



1:2533 



APPENDIX 

and they kept the wind as soon as they were sufficiently in line to lee- 
ward. 

"The headmost ships of both fleets approached each other to within 
musquet-shot. At four the action commenced in the van, commanded 
by M. de Bougainville, by a very brisk fire, and the main body was 
successively engaged. At five the wind continuing to vary, even to 
four points, placed the vanguard still too much to windward. The 
Compte de Grasse ardently wished to make the action general, and to 
dispose the enemy to it, ordered again his vanguard to bear away; 
that of Admiral Graves was very ill treated, and he profited of the 
advantage the wind gave him to be master of his distance, and to 
avoid being attacked by the French rear, who were using their utmost 
endeavour to reach his rear and his centre. 

"The setting of the sun at last terminated the battle. The English 
fleet kept their wind, and having preserved it, employed all the next 
day in repairing their damages. 

"The 7th at noon, the wind changed in favour of the French, the 
Compte de Grasse approached the enemy, and manoeuvred in the 
night so as to preserve the wind. 

"At daybreak on the 8th, the wind favoured Admiral Graves, it 
enabled his ships to look up to windward of the French, who were 
then in bow and quarter line upon a wind on the starboard tack, but 
the Compte de Grasse perceiving it tacked his whole fleet together. 
They w^ere by this movement in a well formed line approaching the 
enemy, who were upon the contrary tack in a line badly formed, and 
appeared inclined, notwithstanding their bad order, to dispute the 
wind. The Compte de Grasse made the signal for his van to pass 
close to windward of the enemy, who were now attempting to form 
the line of battle by tacking one ship after another, to come to the 
same tack with the fleet of France. 

"Admiral Graves then perceived how dangerous such a movement 
would be, and that to continue it, would give opportunity to the 
French to attack him before his fleet was half formed ; those of his 
ships had already tacked, w^hen he made his fleet wear together, and 
form astern of his rear-guard, by which means he gave up the wea- 
ther-gage to the French, and made sail from them. 

"In the nights of the 8th and 9th, another variation of wnnd gave 
them the weather-gage, but during the night of the 9th, the Compte 
de Grasse regained it by his manoeuvres, for his ships having suffered 
less in the action, he had the advantage of carrying more sail than the 
enemJ^ In the nights of the 9th and loth the English disappeared. 

"The Compte de Grasse perceiving how difficult it was to bring 
Admiral Graves to action, and fearing that some variation in the 
wind might put it in his power to enter the bay before him, deter- 
mined to return to the Chesapeake, in order to continue his operations, 
and recover his absent people. 

C254] 



APPENDIX 

"The Glorieux and Diligente joined the fleet the loth in the even- 
ing. On the nth the two frigates, Richmond and Iris, which the 
evening before had come out of the bay, where they had cut away the 
buoys from the anchors of the French ships which had been obliged 
to cut their cables to get the sooner under sail, fell into the hands of 
the Compte de Grasse, who the same day anchored under Cape 
Henry, where the Compte de Barras had arrived the evening before ; 
he had sailed from Newport the 30th of August. This arrival was 
of so much the more consequence, as he had on board the artillery for 
carrying on the siege. 

"The fleet, in this affair, had twenty-four sail of the line and two 
frigates. Admiral Graves, reinforced by Admiral Hood, had twenty 
sail of the line, and nine frigates and sloops. He had sailed from New 
York the 31st of August, upon hearing of the movements Generals 
Washington and Rochambeau were making towards Philadelphia, and 
which then first discovered to the enemy, the projects intended to be 
executed. 

"By the confession of the English, five of their ships were very 
much damaged, and particularly the Terrible, which they were 
obliged to burn. Only the fifteen headmost ships of the French could 
come into the action ; and they had only an equal number of the enemy 
against them, for the five ships of the English rear-guard refused to 
come within cannon-shot. 

"The French fleet has lost in this action, M. Boades, Capitaine de 
Vaisseau, commanding the Reflechi ; Duke D'Orvault, Lieut, de 
Vaisseau, and Major of the Blue Squadron ; Rhaub, Enseigne de 
Vaisseau, Suedois on board the Caton ; de la Villeon, auxiliary officer 
on board the Diademe; eighteen were wounded, and about 200 men 
were killed and wounded. 

"The 1 8th, Generals Washington and Rochambeau came on board 
the Ville de Paris, to concert measures with M. de Grasse, for carry- 
ing on their future operations. 

"The 19th, M. de Choisy passed York river, with the Legion of 
Lausun, and 2000 American troops, to go and invest Gloucester, 
where the enemy had 1500 men; he received almost as soon as he 
arrived, a reinforcement of 800 men from the ships of war. 

"The fleet had quitted Lynnhaven bay, where the ships did not lie 
in safety, and moved above the middle ground and Horse-shoe, where 
they anchored in a line of battle within the entrance of those two 
banks, ready to oppose Admiral Graves, as he was reinforced by Ad- 
miral Digby, if he presented himself to succour Lord Cornwallis ; 
besides, this position gave means to hasten the siege by a greater facil- 
ity of transporting ammunition. Three ships were now to block up 
the entrance of James river. 

"The 3rd of October, the enemy, distressed for want of forage, 
drowned 200 horses. 



APPENDIX 

"On the night of the 6th and 7th, the trenches were opened both 
above and below York, within half cannon shot of the town. 

"The 8th, a battery erected by the Touraine regiment obliged the 
Guadaloupe to cut her cables and run along shore under the protection 
of the batteries of the town. The same day they fired red-hot shot 
upon the Charon, and she was soon consumed. 

"Everything was now ready for a general assault; when Lord Corn- 
wallis, perceiving the great danger he was in, demanded on the 17th, 
a suspension of arms for twenty-four hours; only two were granted; 
and he signified that he was ready to capitulate. 

"One day was employed to settle the articles of capitulation. Four 
years before this event (i6th Oct. 1777), General Burgoyne signed 
the capitulation of Saratoga, where 6040 Brunswickers and Tories of 
the country surrendered themselves prisoners of war to General Gates. 

"The enemy had 800 killed ; our loss, with that of the Americans, 
was about 700 men. We have followed, for greater accuracy, the 
printed account, different journals, and particularly a copy of M. 
Rochambeau's, and others sent to us. 

"The ships arrived last Tuesday are, the Provence, Victoire, Vail- 
lant, and Triton, with the Ralieuse and Aigrette frigates. They 
quitted the Chesapeake, the 4th of this month, and M. de Grasse, 
four days after. The fleet of M. de Grasse is gone to Martinique, 
and the English are already sailed for the Windward Islands." 



1:2563 



INDEX 



Active, H. B. M. S., Ixv, Ixvi, 

i8, 8i 
Adamant, H. B. M. S., 20, 26, 

67, 171, 198 

Admiral, grades of, in the Royal 
navy, Ixxvii 

Admiral Durell, Brig, 154 

Admiralty, Administration of, 
xix 

Admiralty, Lords Commissioners 
of the, 3, 13, 19, 20, 22, 24, 26, 
32, 40, 44, 52, 56, 61, 85, I37> 
146, 158, 159, 162; Letters 
from, I, 4, 12, 45, no; Letters 
to, xl, 112 

Affleck, Edmund, Rear Admiral, 
148 

Affleck, Philip, Captain, 15 

Aigrette, L', French frigate, Ixix, 
126, 153, 212, 213, 214, 217, 
218, 226, 227, 228, 229, 233, 
235, 240, 242, 245, 256 

Ajax, H. B. M. S., 63, 67, 156, 
171, 198; Casualties, 68; Dam- 
ages to, 72 

Albert de Rions, D', Capitaine 
commandant, 152, 153 

Albert, D', Saint-Hippolyte, 152, 

153 
Albion, H. B. M.S., 51 

Alcide, H. B. M. S., 15, 47, 48, 
63, 67, 117, 120, 156, 166, 171, 
184, 195, 198, 202, 203, 204, 
205 ; Casualties, 68 ; Damages 
to, 71 

Alfred, H. B. M. S., 47, 48, 67, 

68, 75, 156, 171, 198, 202, 203, 
206 

Allegiance, H. B. M. S., 95 
America, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 13, 
67, 68, 75, 156, 166, 171, 173, 



181, 198, 203; Mutiny on 

board, 9 
Amiable Elizabeth, Lugger, 42 
Amphion, H. B. M. S., 95, 108, 

154 . 
Amphion, Transport, 34 
Amphitrite, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 
10, II, 13, 26, 33, 95, 114, 154 
Andrew, Transport, 149 
Andromaque, L', French frigate, 

126, 150, 220, 221, 225 
Angel de Guarda, Vessel, 23 
Annapolis, Md., Ixxiv 
Antigua, W. L, xxxi, 57, 61, 158 
Apthorp, Charles, Lieutenant, 80 
Aquidneck Island, R. L, xliii 
Arbuthnot, Marriot, Vice Admi- 
ral, xl, xlviii, lii, liv, Ixvi, Ixxvi, 
5, 13, 14, 15, 17, 28, 46, 49, 84, 
no; Sails for England, Ixv, 26, 
40; Superseded by Graves, 19, 
20, 22 
Ardent, L', French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 248 
Ardesoif, John P., Captain, 67, 

74 
Armament of war vessels, xxvi- 

xxviii, 3 

Army, American, condition of, li, 

lix, Ixxv; Movements of, Ixiv, 

Ixv, 50, 107, 245 ; Supplies for, 

24, 32 
Arnold, Benedict, General, liii, 

liv, 54, 108 
Arros, D', d'Argelos, Capitaine 

commandant, 152, 153 
Assurance, H. B. M. S., 26, 96 
Astrea, L', French frigate, 95 
Auguste, L', French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 152, 213, 219, 

230, 235, 237, 240, 253 



1:257] 



INDEX 



Aurora, American privateer, 32, 

42, 115, 127 
Avenger, H. B. M. S., 114 



Balfour, George, Captain, 15 
Barfleur, H. B. M. S., xxvii, 
Ixxiii, 47, 48, 56, 67, 68, 75, 
86, 91, 116, 146, 156, 171, 173, 
201, 202, 204, 206; Log of, 
198-21 1 
Barney, Joshua, Captain, 26 
Barras de Saint-Laurent, Comte 
de, Ivi, Ivii, Ix, Ixiii, Ixv, Ixvii, 
Ixviii, Ixxi, 19, 25, 52, 54, 134, 
138, 220, 221, 242, 245, 255 
Bayne, Captain, 67 
Bazely, John, Captain, 95, 108 
Beaumont, H. B. M. S., 35 
Bedford, H. B. M. S., 3, 13, 20, 

67, 120, 166, 171, 180, 181, 
198, 201, 204, 209; Casualties 
on, 68; Damages to, 75 

Beer, Supply of, needed, 6, 8, 10 
Belisarius, H. B. M. S., 154 
Belliqueux, H. B. M. S., 48, 67, 

68, 75, 156, 171, 198, 206 
Bellisarius, American privateer, 

32, 42, 114, 120, 127 
Bellona, Transport, 149 
Betsey, Ship, 42 
Betsey, Victualler, 149 
Biggs, Captain, 3 
Billy, Ordnance transport, lOi 
Blyth, Samuel, Master, 198 
Bonetta, H. B. M. S., 37, 38, 

104 
Boreas, H. B. M. S., 15, 56 
Boston, Mass., xlvi, Ivii, 43 
Boston Bay, Mass., 32 
Bougainville, Chef d'escadre, 

152, 153, 254 
Bourgogne, La, French ship of 

the line, 126, 150, 152, 212, 

213, 221, 243, 244, 253 
Bowen, Captain, 67 



"Breaking the line," xxxvi, 
xxxvii 

Brenton's Reef, xli 

Brest, France, xxxix, lii, Iv 

Brine, Captain, 67 

Briqueville, Marquis de, Capi- 
taine commandant, 152, 153 

Brisbane, John, Captain, xlii 

Britania, Transport, 34 

Brown, George, Captain, 73 

Brun de Boades, 152, 153 

BuUer, John, Lord Commis- 
sioner of the Admiralty, 5 

Burgoyne, General, xxxvii 

Burnett, Captain, 3 

Byron, Vice Admiral, .xxv, xli, 
xlvi 



Cables, XXX 

Cambis, Comte de, xliv 

Campbell, Major General, 23, 29 

Canada, H. B. M. S., 97, no, 
116, 156 

Cape Ann, 32 

Cape Breton, 95 

Cape Charles, Va., Ixix, 81 

Cape Franqais, W. L, Ixii 

Cape Henry, Va., Ixviii, Ixix, 
Ixxiv, 66, 96, 128, 179, 183, 
201, 202, 218, 220, 224, 227, 
233, 241 ; Arrival of Hood at, 
58, 94; Arrival of Graves be- 
fore, 62, 179; Arrival of De 
Grasse at, Ixiii, 212, 222 

Cape May, xlv 

Cape Tiberoon, 48 

Carlisle Bay, Barbadoes, 156 

Carron, Scotland, xxviii 

Carronades, Description of, 
xxviii 

Cartwright, Packet, 53 

Carysfort, H. B. M. S., 119, 
124, 154 

Castellan, Chevalier de, Com- 
mandant, 152, 153 



C2S8] 



INDEX 



Castellane Majastres, Capitaine 
commandant, 152, 153 

Caton, Le, French ship of the 
line, 126, 150, 152, 217, 218, 
221, 239, 248, 253 

Cawsand Bay, 1 1 

Centaur, H.B. M. S., 15, 28, 48, 
67, 156, 168, 171, 181, 198, 
203, 205 ; Damages to, 75 

Centurion, H. B. M. S., xlvi, 44, 
132 

Cesar, Le, French ship of the 
line, 126, 150, 152, 253 

Chabert Cogolin, Capitaine com- 
mandant, 152, 153 

Charitte, Comte de, Capitaine 
commandant, 152, 153 

Charleston, S. C, 96 

Charlestown, H. B. M. S., 42, 

95 
Charm, H. B. M. S., 129 
Charon, H. B. M. S., xx, 36, 37, 

94, 104, 106, 128, 137, 151 
Charrington, Nicholas, Captain, 

67, 69 
Chatham, H. B. M. S., 95, 118, 

123, 154 
Chesapeake Bay, Va., liv, Iviii, 
Ixiv, 156, 165; Operations in, 
34. 36, 37. 225; Situation in, 
99, 100, loi, 112, 137 
Chesapeake Capes, Battle off the, 
xxii, xxxvii, Ixv, Ixviii-lxxiv, 
62-84, 86-94, 253-256; British 
line of battle in, 67 ; British 
casualties in, 68 ; Damages sus- 
tained by ships in, 69-75, 76- 
81 ; Extracts from ships' logs, 
165-169, 180-197, 201-21 1, 
213-218, 228-241 ; French line 
of battle, 126 
Chester, Pa., Ixxiv 
Child, Smith, Captain, 67, 73 
Choisy, de, Monsieur, 255 
Christian, H. C, Captain, 15 
Christie, Brigadier General, 57 



Cice Champion, Chevalier de, 

152, 153 
Citoyen, Le, French ship of the 

line, Ixix, Ixxi, 126, 150, 153, 

219, 225, 227, 232, 239, 253; 

Casualties on board, 230; Log 

of, 222-244 
Clavel aine, Capitaine comman- 
dant, 152, 153 
Clerk, John, xxxv 
Clinton, Sir Henry, General, Iv, 

Ixiii, Ixvii, 18, 25, 52, 54, 57, 

58, 87, 97, 116, 122, 140 
Coasters Harbor Island, R. I., 

xliii 
Collin, Commodore, 26 
Colpoys, Captain, 63 
Columbia, American privateer, 

42 
Colvil, James John, Lieutenant, 

80 
Complement of vessels of war, 3 
Conanicut Island, R. I., xlii, xliv 
Concord, Transport, 149 
Concorde, La, French frigate, Iv, 

Ivii, Ixii, Ixiii, 126, 150, 219, 

221,242,245 
Confederation, Articles of, 1 
Conflagration, H. B. M. S., 115, 

127 
Conquerant, Le, French ship of 

the line, 126, 150 
Conqueror, H. B. M. S., Ixxvi 
Conway, Lieutenant, 129 
Coppering of ships, xxiii 
Coriolis d'Espinouse, Capitaine 

commandant, 152, 153 
Cormorant, H. B. M. S., 107, 

129 
Cormorant, La, French sloop, 

126 
Cornish, Captain, 3 
Cornish, Samuel, Captain, xxxi 
Cornwall, H. B. M. S., xlvi 
Cornwallis, Earl, Lieutenant 

General, liii, Iv, Ivi, Ixi, Ixiii, 



1:2593 



INDEX 



25, 36, 50, 54. 84, 87, 94, 107, 
116, 151, 245; Attempt to re- 
lieve, 137; Critical situation of, 
at Yorktown, 97, 113, 116, 117, 
120, 122, 128, 140, 142; Letter 
from, 98; Surrender of, Ixxv, 
137,, 256 
Crespin, A., Captain, 15 
CuUoden, H. B. M. S., 15 

Dan, Brig, 154 

Dawson, Captain, 82 

Deane, American privateer, 154 

Deans, Robert, Captain, 27, 29, 

40 
Defence, Ship, 154 
Defiance, H. B. M. S., 20 
Delanoe, Lieutenant, Ixvii, 18 
Delaware Bay, xxxviii, 58 
Delaware Capes, xxv, 86 
Dent, Sir Digby, 3 
Destin, Le, French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 152, 219 
Dethy, Chevalier, Capitaine, 222 
Diademe, Le, French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 152, 214, 221, 

224, 226 
Diana, Victualler, 149 
Digby, Robert, Rear Admiral, 

Ixxi, 44, 46, 97, no, 116, 119, 

135, 146, 148, 157, 158, 163, 

255 

Diligente, La, French frigate, 
126, 150, 225, 241, 242, 255 

Disasters, Naval, xxiv, Ixxvi 

Dolphin, Brig, 154 

Dominica, W. I., xxv, 247 

Douglas, Captain, 22 

Douglas, A. J., Captain, 123 

Dove, Sloop, 154 

Drake, Francis Samuel, Rear Ad- 
miral, 57,58, 63,67, 81,84,87, 
148, 157, 165, 171, 181, 202, 
203 

Drake, W., Rear Admiral, 15 

Dreadnought, H. B. M. S., xx 

[2 



Due de Bourgogne, Le, French 

ship of the line, 126, 150 
Duckworth, J. T., Captain, 15 
Du Maitz de Goimpy Feu- 
quieres, Comte de, 152, 153 
Duncan, H. B. M. S., 52 
Duncan, Henry, Captain, 82, 83 
Dyers, William, Gunner, 80 

Eagle, Brig, 154 

Echiquier, L', French vessel, 216 
Eleanor, Sloop, 154 
Elizabeth, Transport, 115, 127 
Elizabeth, Victualler, 149 
Elphinstone, G. K., Captain, 143 
Emerald, Transport, 149 
Empress of Russia, Transport, 

115, 127 
Endeavour, Brig, 154 
Espinousse, Monsieur de 1', 55 
Estaing, Charles Henri Theodat 

d'Estaing du Salllans, Comte d', 

xxv, xxxvii, xli, xlii, xlvi, xlvii 
Europe, H. B. M. S., 20, 34, 67, 

131, 171, 198; Casualties, 68; 

Damages to, 73 
Eveille, L', French ship of the 

line, 126, 150 
Everitt, C. H., Captain, lOO 
Experiment, L', French ship of 

the line, 126, 150, 220, 225 
Experiment, American privateer, 

154 , 
Experiment, Brig, 42 

Fantasque, French ship of the 

line, xl 
Farges, Vessel, 13 
Favorite, American privateer, 

154 . 
Favorite, Transport, 149 
Favre, Captain, 56 
Felicity, American privateer, 154 
Fidelity, Transport, 149 
Fighting Instructions, xxxiii, 

Ixxii 

603 



INDEX 



Finch, William C, Captain, 67, 

69, 76, 78, 79, 80 
Flint locks, xxix 
Fooks, William, Captain, 15 
Fort Trumbull, Conn., 54 
Fortunee, H. B. M. S., 15, 48, 

63, 64, 67, 154, 167, 169, 171, 

173, 179, 182, 190, 197, 198, 

199, 200, 201, 209 
49th Regiment, 57 
Fowey, H. B. M. S., 37, 104 
Framond, Comte de, 152, 153 
Fredericksburg, Va., Ixi 
Friendship, Brig, 154 
Frigate, description of, xxvi, 

xxvii 

Galvez, de. General, 23, 29 
Gardiner's Bay, L. I., liv, 15 
Garland, H. B. M. S., 34, 96, 

154 
Gascoj^ne, Bamber, Lord Com- 
missioner of the Admiralty, 46 
General Monk, H. B. M. S., 26, 

32, 42, 95, 154 
General Washington, Privateer, 

26 
Gentille, La, French frigate, 126, 

150 
Gibraltar, xxv, xxxix, 55, 59 
Gibraltar, H. B. M. S., 56 
Gidoin, Captain, 51 
Gidoin, J. L., Captain, 15 
Glandevez, Chevalier de, Capi- 
taine commandant, 152, 153 
■ Glorieux, Le, French ship of the 
line, 103, 126, 150, 219, 220, 
226, 241, 242, 243, 253; Loss 
of, Ixxvii, 248 
Gloucester River, Va., 36 
Goat Island, R. I., xlii 
Gould Island, R. I., xHv 
Gras Preville, Chevalier, Capi- 

taine commandant, 152, 153 
Grasse Du Bar, Comte de. Lieu- 
tenant General, xxii, xxiv, xxxvi, 



xxxix, xlvii, liv, Iviii, Ixi, Ixii, 
153; Announces his plans to 
Rochambeau, Ixiii; Arrives off 
the Chesapeake Capes, Ixiii, 212, 
222 ; Defeated by Rodney, 247, 
250; Disposition of his fleet, 
126; Engages Graves' fleet, Ixv, 
Ixviii-lxxiv, 62-84, Ii3, 126, 
165-169, 180-197, 201-21 1, 
213-218, 228-241, 253-256; 
.Journal of, 212-221; Leaves 
Cape Haitien, Ixiii; Life of, 
247 ; Movements of, 25, 54, 55, 
59, 60, 82, 92, 103, 105, 106, 
113, 128, 134, 138, 147, 185; 
Orders to, Ivi, Iviii; Sails from 
Brest, Iv 
Graves, David, Captain, 67, 74 
Graves, Richard, Captain, 33 
Graves, Thomas, Rear Admiral, 
xxii, xxiv, xxxvi, liii, Ix, 31, 57, 
58, 66, 67; Arrival at Sandy 
Hook, 13; Attempts to relieve 
Cornwallis, 137; Calls council 
of flag officers, 147; Condition 
of vessels, 34; Disposition of his 
fleet, 25 ; Engages De Grasse's 
fleet, Ixv, Ixviii-lxxiv, 62-84, 
86-94, 165-169, 180-197,201- 
211, 213-218, 228-241, 253- 
256; Fits out his fleet, 7; Hood's 
criticism of, Ixxiii, 86-94, Il8, 
145; List of prizes taken, 42, 
43 ; Leaves New York, Ixi, 
Ixviii; His criticism of Hood, 
160-161 ; Life of, Ixxv-lxxviii ; 
Letters from, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 13, 
18, 19, 26, 32, 52, 61, 81, 84, 
85, 93, 94, no, 112, 114, 119, 
131, 132, 137, 144, 158, 159; 
Letters to, 5, 12, 36, 37, 40, 44, 
45, 58, 92, 93, 98, 103, 105, 
106, 123, 151, 162; Mutinous 
state of his fleet, 9; Orders re- 
ceived from Rodney, 16, 17, 45, 
59; Ordered to Channel Squad- 



n26i] 



INDEX 



ron, I ; Ordered to New York, 
I, 4, 12; Ordered relieved by 
Admiral Digby, 44, ill, 160, 
163; Permission granted to re- 
turn to England, 163, 164; Pro- 
motion to rank of Vice Admiral, 
139; Reinforcement of his fleet, 
47; Rodney's criticism of, 133; 
Sails for the West Indies, 158; 
Sails from Sandy Hook, 24, 25, 
61, 198; Supersedes Admiral 
Arbuthnot, Ixv, Ixxvi, 19, 21, 
26 ; To proceed to Jamaica, 44, 
45, III 

Gravies, Thomas, Captain, 67, 
75, 120 

Greene, Nathanael, General, xli, 
xlvi 

Greville, Charles Francis, Lord 
Commissioner of the Admiralty, 

Grej'hound, American privateer, 

154 
Greyhound, H. B. M. S., 15 
Grindall, R., 206 
Guadeloupe, H. B. M. S., 37, 

151 
Guadeloupe, Whale boat, 103 
Guichen, Comte de, xxix, xxxv, 

liv 
Gunnery, Naval, xxix 
Guns, Description of, xxvii 

Haldiman, Governor, 35 
Haldimand, General, 96 
Halifax, N. S., xxv, xlii, xlvi, 19, 

26, 32, 43, 95, 119, 124 
Hammond, A. S., Captain, 124 
Hampton Roads, Va., lix, Ixiii, 

37, 94, lOi, 105 
Hancock, American frigate, 26 
Harlequin, Victualler, 149 
Harmonic, L', French frigate, 

150 
Harmony, Transport, 149 
Haswell, B., Captain, 15 



Havana, Cuba, liv, Ixvii, 20, 23 
Havre, France, 56 
Health of crews, xxxi, 13 
Hector, H. B. M. S., 51 
Hector, L', French ship of the 

line, 150, 153, 235, 253; Loss 

of, 248 

Hemmans, S., Master, 164, 170 
Hercule, L', French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 153, 221, 253 
Hermionne, L', French frigate, 

95 
Herney, Henr}', Captain, 15 
Hero, American privateer, 42 
Hessian troops, 34 
Holker, American privateer, 33 
Hood, Sir Samuel, Rear Admi- 
ral, Ixi, Ixv, Ixvi, Ixxiii, Ixxvii, 
59, 67, 81, 84, 93, 95, 134, 148, 
160, 201, 206, 210; Arrives at 
Sandy Hook, 52; His criticism 
of Graves, 86-94, ii7, 145 5 
Joins Graves' fleet, 61, 164, 171, 
255 ; Letters from, 56, 58, 92, 
93, 145, 146, 156; Letters to 
George Jackson, 86, 116; Life 
of, 251; Log of the Barfleur, 
198-21 1 ; Orders to, 46, 47, 60; 
Reaches Cape Henry, 58, 94 
Hornet, H. B. M. S., 28, 32 
Horsington, Transport, 149 
Houston, Transport, 149 
Howe, Admiral Lord, xxxviii, 

xxxix, xlii, xliv, xlvi, 5 
Howe, Sir William, xxxviii 
Hudson, Charles, Captain, 33, 
36, 37, 100 
Hudson River, xli 
Hughes, Sir Richard, 125 
Hyder Ally, Privateer, 26 
Hydra, H. B. M. S., 48, 51 
Hygiene, Naval, xxxi 



Imperieux, L', French frigate, 

158 
Impressment of seamen, xx, xxxi 



1:2623 



INDEX 



Inglefield, John, Captain, 67, 75 
Intrepid, H. B. M. S., 15, 48, 

63, 64, 67, 156, i7i> 197, 198, 

203, 204, 211; Casualties, 68; 

Damages to, 70, 183 
Invincible, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 47, 

48, 67, 68, 75, 156, 171, 198, 

199, 206; Mutiny on board, 9 
Iris, H. B. M. S., Ixxi, 26, 32, 

42, 82, 88, 96, 107, 113, 154, 

168, 175, 190, 243, 255 
Iris, L', French frigate, 126 
Isabella, Sloop, 154 

Jackson, George, Assistant Sec- 
retary of the Admiralty, Let- 
ters to, Ixxiii, 86, 116, 133, 145 

Jamaica, W. I., 48, 51, 158, 245 

Jamaica Station, Admiral Graves 
ordered to, 44, 45, in 

James, Lieutenant, 129 

James, Bartholomew, Lieutenant, 
xxi 

James River, Va., 103, 225 

Jane, H. B. M. S., 198 

Janus, Ship, 119 

Jason, Le, French ship of the line, 
Ixxvii, 126, 150, 248 

Jolly Tar, American letter of 
marque, 154 

Josephine, La, French privateer, 

55 
Juno, Brig, 154 

Kains, John, Carpenter, 80 
Kelly, Captain, 27, 29 
Keppel, H. B, M. S., 114 
Knatchbull, Charles, Captain, 67, 

69 
Knox, Mr., 28 
Koefold, de. Monsieur, 228, 229 

Lafayette, Marquis de, xli, xlvi, 

1, lix, Ixiv, 54 
La Motte-Piquet de la Vinoyere, 

xlvii, liii, 55 
Languedoc, Le, French ship of 



the line, xliv-xlvi, 126, 150, 
153, 213, 216, 220, 231, 233, 

253 
Laugharne, Captain, 22 
Laurens, Henry, 24 
Le Begue, Chevalier de, Capi- 

taine commandant, 152, 153 
Leeward Islands, 14, 22, 47, 57 
Lexington, Brig, 154 
Liberty, Schooner, 42 
Line-of-battle ship. Description 

of, xxvi-xxvii 
Lion, H. B. M. S., 97, no, 116 
Lisburne, Wilmot. Viscount, 

Lord Commissioner of the Ad- 

miraltv, 2, 5 
Lively, H. B. M. S., 84, 116, 

132, 137 
Lively Buckskin, Schooner, 154 
London, H. B. M, S., Ix, Ixviii, 
Ixxi, I, 3, 6, 8, 9, II, 13, 18, 19, 
23, 26, 32, 45, 52, 61, 67, 80, 
81, 84, 85, 87, 94, no, 112, 
114, 117, 119, 131, 132, 137, 
158, 159, 162, 198, 210; Casu- 
alties on, 68; Damages to, 74, 
90, 186, 187; Journal of, 164- 
169; Log of, 170-197 
Long Island, N. Y., xxv, xlvi, Ix 
Longsplice, Schooner, 154 
Lord Howe, Transport, 149 
Lord Mulgrave, Transport, 149 
Loval Club, Transport, 115, 127 
Loyalist, H. B. M. S., 36, 37 
Loyalist, La, French sloop, 126 
Lucifer, H. B. M. S., 115, 127 
Luck, J., 187, 189, 195 
Luzerne, Chevalier de la, Ix 
Lynnhaven Bay, Va., 38, 104, 
107, 143, 253 

McDonald, IMajor, 23 
Mackrell, Transport, 149 
Magdalen, Sloop, 42 
Magicienne, La, French frigate, 
95, 119, 120, 123, 127, 154 



1:263] 



INDEX 



Magnanime, Le, French ship of 
the line, 126, 150, 153, 237, 253 
Man, Robert, Lord Commis- 
sioner of the Admiralty, 2 
Manley, Captain, 81, 137 
Manley, John, Captain, 26 
Manners, Robert, Captain, 3, 67, 

75 
Marlborough, H. B. M. S., 3 
Marseillais, Le, French ship of 

the line, 126, 150, 152, 212, 253 
Martha's Vineyard, Mass., 14 
Martinique, W. L, xxix, xxxv, 

xxxix, xlvii, Ixii, 17; French 

fleet at, 39, 58 
Mary, Schooner, 103 
Maryanne, American privateer, 

42 
Mauritius, 13 
Medea, H. B. M. S., 33, 42, 52, 

82, 83, 93, 94, 114, 168, 175, 

185, 190, 202, 204 
Melcomb, J., 187, 189, 195, 197 
Melcomb, John, Captain, 144 
Melville, General, xxviii 
Mentor, H. B. M. S., 27, 28, 

115, 127 
Mercury, American privateer, 42 
Mercury, Victualler, 149 
Middle Ground, Chesapeake Bay, 

Ixix, 62, 139, 143, 181 
Middleton, Charles, Lord Barn- 
ham, xxiii, xxxiii 
Miller, H. W., Lieutenant, 80 
Minerva, Brig, 154 
IVIinister of Marine, Orders 

from, Ivi, Iviii 
Molloy, Anthony James Pye, 

Captain, 67, 70, 90 
Mollv, Brig, 154 
Monarch, H. B. M. S., 47, 48, 

67, 68, 156, 171, 198, 199, 202, 

205 ; Damages to, 75 
Monmouth, H. B. M. S., xx 
Montagu, George, Captain, 81, 

113 



Montague, H. B. M. S., 48, 63, 
67, 131, 137, 156, 167, 171, 
183, 193, 198, 199, 209; Casu- 
alties, 68; Damages to, 73 

Montecler, Capitaine comman- 
dant, 152, 153 

Monteil, Baron de. Chef d'Es- 
cadre, liii, 60, 152, 153, 253 

Morogues, Vicomte de, xxxiii 

Mugny, Captain, 13 

Mules, John, Boatswain, 80 

Mutinous crews, 3 

Nancy, Victualler, 149 
Narragansett Bay, xxvi, xli, xliv 
Nash, Richard, Lieutenant, 80 
Navy, British, Condition of, xix, 

xxvii 
Neptune, Le, French ship of the 

line, 126, 150 
Neptune, Schooner, 42 
Neptune, Transport, 149 
Nero, Brig, 154 
New London, Conn., Destruction 

of, 54, 95, 108 
Newport, R. L, xli, xlvi, xlvii, 

xlix, lii, Ivii, Ixiii, 15, 25, 54 
New York, N. Y,, xxi, xxvi, xxxi, 

xl, xli, lii, Ivi, Ivii, Ixii, 5, 13, 

25, 43,44, 54, no, 114 
Northumberland, Le, French 

ship of the line, 126, 150, 153, 

253 

Nott, J. N. P., Captain, 15 

Nova Scotia, xxiv 

Nymphe, H. B. M. S., Ixvii, 48, 
57, 67, 96, 112, 120, 137, 143, 
154, 156, 161, 168, 171, 173, 
175, 177, 179, 184, 198, 199, 
200, 201 

Ocean, Victualler, 149 
O'Hara, Captain, 119 
Old Bahama Channel, W. L, 

Ixiii 
Oldborough, Transport, 149 



[2643 



INDEX 



Old Point Comfort, Va,, Iv, 36, 

94, 99, I(X), lOI 
Orient, L', France, 13, 43, 56 
Orpheus, H. B. M. S., 42, 63, 

64, 168, 169, 171, 184, 190, 

197, 202, 204 
Ostrich, Transport, 34 

Pagett, William, 16, 18, 49 

Painting of ships, xxxi 

Palmier, Le, French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 153, 217, 230, 

232, 244, 253 
Panther, H. B. M. S., 56 
Parker, Sir Peter, Vice Admiral, 

45,51, III, 134, 158 
Patail, du. Monsieur, 245 
Pearl, H. B. M. S., 26, 42, 81, 

94,96, 112, 113, 154 
Pegasus, H. B. M. S., 48, 59, 61, 

64, 81, 82, 96, 154, 156, 190, 

193 

Penobscot, Me., 43, 95 

Penrose, Admiral, xx 

Pensacola, Fla., Capitulation of, 
20, 23, 27, 28, 40 

Petersburg, Va., Iv 

Philadelphia, Pa., Ixv 

Pigot, Robert, General, xlii, xlv, 
xlix 

Pluton, Le, French ship of the 
line, 126, 150, 152, 214, 218, 
221, 240, 243, 244, 253; Dam- 
ages to, 235 ; Extract from log 
of, 245 

Plymouth, England, 8 

Point Judith, xliii 

Polly, Ship, 42, 154 

Port Royal, H. B. M. S., 27, 28, 
29, 40 

Port Royal, Jamaica, 58 

Portsmouth, England, xxxi, 3 

Portsmouth, Va., Iv, Ivii, Ixiii, 
36, 37, 38, 98 

Present Succession, Transport, 
149 



Press gang, xx 

Prince George, H. B. M. S., 44, 

97, no, 116, 156 
Prince William, H. B. M. S., 47, 

48, 51, 118, 120, 134 
Princessa, H. B. M. S., 63, 67, 

131, 156, 158, 166, 171, 173, 

181, 185, 198, 202, 203, 205, 

209 ; Casualties, 68 ; Damages 

to, 71, 183 
Princess Royal, H. B. M. S., 

xlvi, 51 
Prizes, List of, 154, 155 
Procter, Thomas, Lieutenant, 80 
Provence, La, French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 256 
Providence, Transport, 149 
Providence Increase, Victualler, 

149 
Prudent, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 11, 

13,53,81,95 
Pye, Sir Thomas, 6, 10 

Quarterdeck, Description of, xxx 
Quebec, Canada, 34, 95, 112 

Raccoon, Schooner, 154 
Race Horse, Transport, 149 
Railleuse, La, French frigate, 

126, 150, 153, 212, 214, 215, 

218, 219, 220, 227, 256 
Rainbow, H. B. M. S., 26 
Rambler, American privateer, 154 
Ramillies, H. B. M. S., xxiv, 

Ixxvi, 51 

Ranger, H. B. M. S., 48, 51, 145 
Rattlesnake, American privateer, 

114, 127 
Rattlesnake, H. B. M. S., 145, 

154 
Rayneval, Gerard de, xxxviii 
Recovery, H. B. M. S., 108 
Recovery, Schooner, 42 
Reflechy, Le, French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 152, 212, 214, 

253, 256 



[265] 



INDEX 



Renaud d'AUen, Capitaine com- 
mandant, 152, 153 

Resolution, Whale boat, 103 

Resolution, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 8, 
13, 47, 48, 67, 156, 166, 171, 
181, 198, 199; Casualties on, 
68 ; Damages to, 75 ; Mutiny 
of the crew of, 8, 10 

Revenge, American privateer, 154 

Revnolds, Francis, Captain, 75 

Richmond, H. B. M. S., Ixxi, 
36, 37, 53, 67, 88, 107, 113, 
165, 168, 171, 190, 198, 199, 
200, 201, 204, 221, 255 

Richmond, La, French frigate, 
126, 243 

Richmond, Va., Ixi 

Rider, John, 141 

Riedesel, General, 34 

Rigging, Description of, xxx 

Robert, Transport, 149 

Robinson, Captain, 3 

Robinson, Mark, Captain, 15, 67, 

69,85 
Robust, H. B. M. S., 20, 34, 53 
Rochambeau, General, I, lii, Ivi- 

Ixxiv, 245, 255 
Rodney, John, Captain, 15 
Rodney, Sir George Brydges, Ad- 
miral, xxiv, xxix, xxxv, xxxvi, 
lii, Ix, Ixv, Ixxvi, 24, 33, 35, 39, 
44, 51, 56, 64, 82, 160, 163, 
247 ; Arrives at Sandy Hook, 
14; Leaves for the West Indies, 
15; Letter from, 133; Letters 
to, 18, 22; Life of, 249-251; 
Orders from, 16, 17, 45, 59; 
Orders to Hood, 46, 47 
Roebuck, H. B. M. S., 26, 66 
Roise, John, Master, 80 
Romulus, Le, French frigate, 

126, 150 
Rose Island, R. I., xliii 
Rover, H. B. M. S., 52, 115, 127 
Rover, Victualler, 149 
Rowley, Rear Admiral, 163 



Ro\'al Louis, American privateer, 

154 
Royal Oak, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 

13, 19, 32, 42, 67, 115, 156, 

166, 167, 171, 181, 183, 198; 

Casualties, 68 ; Damages to, 74 
Royal Sovereign, H. B. M. S., 

xxvii 
Russell, H. B. M. S., 15, 20 



Sagittaire, Le, French ship of the 

line, Iviii 
Sailing qualities of war-ships, 

xxiii 
Saint Cosme, Chevalier de, 152, 

153 
Saint Esprit, Le, French ship of 

the Hne, 126, 150, 152, 212, 253 
Saint Eustatius, W. I., 48, 56, 

59; Capture of, Ixv, 133 
Saint George's Bank, 32 
Saint Hellens, England, 9 
St. John, Brig, 154 
Saint John's, Antigua, 47, 57 
Saint Kitt's, 48 
Saint Lawrence River, 95 
Saint Lucia, W. I., xlvii, 17, 48, 

57 
Saint Pierre, Martinique, 57 
Saint-Simon, Marquis de, Ixiii, 

Ixiv 
Saint Thomas, W. I., 60 
Salamander, H. B. M. S., 67, 

156, 166, 171, 181, 198 
Salem, Packet ship, 154 
Sally, Transport, 149 
Samuel, Brig, 154 
Sandurck, Le, French armed 

ship, 126 
Sandwich, John, Earl of, First 

Lord of the Admiralty, 2, 5, 46 
Sandwich, H. B. M. S., xxix, Ix, 

15, 39, 45, 48, 51, 222 
Sandwich. Armed ship, 48, 107 
Sandy Hook, N. J., xxxix, lix, 



1:2663 



INDEX 



13, 14, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24, 26, 

32, 49, 52, 56,94, 131 
Santa Margarita, H. B. M. S., 

119 
Santa Monica, H. B. M. S., 47, 

48, 67, 171, 177, 179, 198. 199, 

200, 209, 210 
Santo Domingo, W, I., Ixiii 
Saratoga, Battle of, xxxvii 
Savage, Galley, 154 
Savage, H. B.' M. S., 98 
Savannah, Ga., xlvii 
Sceptre, Le, French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 153, 216, 243, 

253 
Scipion, Le, French ship of the 
line, 126, 150, 153, 212, 230, 

253 
Sea life, xxxii 
Sekonnet River, xlii 
Selina, Transport, 149 
Senegal, American privateer, 154 
Serpent, Le, French frigate, 126, 

245 

Seven Years' War, xix, lii 

Shepherd, Captain, 108 

Shipwright, Transport, 149 

Shrewsbury, H. B. M. S., 3, 6, 
II, 15, 48, 63, 67, 85, 90, 117, 
120, 131, 137, 156, 168, 171, 
185, 198, 200, 204, 209; Casu- 
alties, 68, 183; Damage re- 
ceived, 69, 183; Mutiny on 
board, 9 

Signals, xxii, xxxvii, Ixxii, 5, 6 

Sloop-of-war, Description of, 
xxvi, XXV ii 

Slops, 27 

Solano, de, Admiral, 23 

Solebay, H. B. I\L S., 42, 52, 67, 
69, 96, 98, 154, 164, 165, 167, 
168, 171, 182, 184, 188, 193, 
198, 199, 201, 202, 204, 206 

Solitaire, Le, French ship of the 
line, 126, 150, 153, 227, 230, 
253 



South Carolina, Packet ship, 107 

Souverain, Le, French ship of the 
line, 126, 150, 153, 215, 218, 
219, 222, 223, 235, 236, 239, 
241,253 

Spar deck, Description of, xxx 

Spithead, England, 3, 6, 8 

Stanhope, Captain, 59 

Stephens, Philip, Secretary of the 
Admiralty, 2, 20; Letters of, 5, 
22, 40, 44, 162; Letters to, 3, 
6, 8, 9, II, 13, 19, 26, 32, 52, 
56, 61, 84, 85, 94, no, 112, 
114, 119, 131, 132, 137, 146, 
156, 158, 159 

Stirling Castle, H. B. M. S., xxxl 

Stores, Account of, 30-31; Con- 
dition of, 96; Deficiency of, 6, 
8, 10, 27, 104, 121; Ordered 
for America, 28, 40 

Success Increase, Transport, 149 

Suffolk, H. B. M. S., 15 

Suftren de Saint-Tropez, 
Chevalier, xl, xlii, xlix 

Sullivan, Major General, xli, 
xlii, xlv, xlvi 

Surveillante, La, French frigate, 
126, 150, 221 

Sutherland, Alexander, Lieuten- 
ant, 1 01 

Swallow, H. B. M. S., Ixvi, 24, 
39. 45, 49; Loss of, 25, 33, 52, 
115 

Swallow, Brig, 42 

Swift, H.B.M. S., 33, 37, 114, 

127 
Swift. American privateer, 42 
Sybille, H. B. M. S., 57, 67, 

156, 171, 198, 209 
S.vmonds, Thomas, Captain, lOO, 

103, 105, 106, 129, 151 

Tactics, Naval, xxii, xxxiii 
Tenny, Captain, 3 
Terna}-, D'Arsac de, lii, liv, 15, 
17 



INDEX 



Terrible, H. B. M. S., 15, 48, 
63, 64, 67, 166, 168, 169, 171, 
180, 192, 198, 209; Casualties, 
68; Damages to, 72, 76, 77-81, 
191, 194; Loss of, Ixxi, 65, 81, 
197, 210, 211, 255 
Thomb, Charles, Captain, 15 
Thompson, Captain, 3, 35 
Thompson, Charles, Captain, 67, 

Thy, Comte de, Capitaine com- 
mandant, 152, 153 
Tinge, Le, Xebec, 42 
Torbay, H. B. M. S., 15, 48, 51, 

118, 120, 156 
Touches, Chevalier des, liii, Ixxvi 
Toulon, France, xxv, xxxvii 
Trafalgar, Battle of, xxvii 
Traversais, Lieutenant comman- 
dant, 152, 153 
Tristram Shandy, Ship, 42 
Triton, Le, French ship of the 

line, 103, 126, ISO, 226, 256 
Triumph, H. B. M. S., 15,56 
Trumbull, American frigate, 32, 

42 
Turpin du Breuil, Chevalier de, 
Capitaine commandant, 152, 

153 
Two Brothers, Transport, 149 
Two Friends, Sloop, 154 

Uniform, Naval, xxi 
Union, Brig, 154 

Vaillant, French vessel, 226, 256 
Valliant, Le, French ship of the 

line, 126, 150 
Vaudreuil, Comte de, Capitaine 

commandant, 152, 153 
Vaudreuil, Rigaud, Marquis de, 

xlvii 
Vaughan, General, Ixvi, 57 
Vaugiraud de Rosnay, Capitaine 

de Vaisseau, 152, 153 
Ventilation on shipboard, xx^i 



Victoire, La, French ship of the 

line, 126, 150, 153, 253, 256 
Victory, H. B. M. S., xxvii 
Victualling, Commissioners for, 

27 
Vigilance, H. B. M. S., 33 
Ville de Paris, La, French ship 

of the line, xxiv, xxxvi, Ixix, 

126, 150, 152, 247, 253; Loss 

of, Ixxvi, Ixxvii, 248 
Volcano, H. B. M. S., 115, 127 
Vulcan, H. B. M. S., 37, 104, 

129 
Vulture, H. B. M. S., 95 

Walsingham, Commodore, 8, 9, 
12 

War vessels, State of, xxiv; De- 
scription of, xxvi 

Warwick, H. B. M. S., 19, 34, 
95, 112, 139, 143, 154 

Washington, George, General, 
xli, 1, Ivi-lxxiv, 50, 52, 107, 113, 
245, 255 

Wells, Captain, 33, 44 

West Florida, Province of. Sur- 
rendered to the Spanish, 28 

West Indies, Operations in the, 
xxv, xxxi, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxix, 
xlvii, liv; Anxiety regarding, 61 

Wethersfield, Meeting at, Ix 

Women on shipboard, xxxii 

Yarmouth, H. B. M. S., 15 
York River, Va., Iv, 36, 37, 83, 

87, 97, 106, 128 
Yorktown, Va., Ixiii, Ixxiv, 117, 

151; Critical situation of the 

British at, 97, 122, 140, 142; 

Surrender of, 137, 151, 256 
Young, Walter, Captain, xxiii, 

}^ . . 

Young William, Mast ship, 95 

Zebra, H. B. M. S., 81 
Zele, Le, French ship of the line, 
126, 153, 221, 253 



C268] 



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